Friday, August 15, 2008

How The West Fueled Putin's Sense Of Impunity

Garry Kasparov[PV] (Former Chess Champion and Candidate for Prime
Minister in Russia)


Russia's invasion of Georgia reminded me of a conversation I had three years ago in Moscow with a high-ranking European Union official. Russia was much freer then, but President Vladimir Putin's onslaught against democratic rights was already underway."What would it take," I asked, "for Europe to stop treating Putin like a democrat? If all opposition parties are banned? Or what if they started shooting people in the street?" The official shrugged and replied that even in such cases, there would be little the EU could do. He added: "Staying engagedwill always be the best hope for the people of both Europe and Russia."

The citizens of Georgia would likely disagree. Russia's invasion was the
direct result of nearly a decade of Western helplessness and delusion.
Inexperienced and cautious in the international arena at the start of his
reign in 2000, Mr. Putin soon learned he could get away with anything without
repercussions from the EU or America.

Russia reverted to a KGB dictatorship while Mr. Putin was treated as an
equal at G-8 summits. Italy's Silvio Berlusconi and Germany's Gerhardt Schroeder
became Kremlin business partners. Mr. Putin discovered democratic
credentials could be bought and sold just like everything else. The final confirmation was the acceptance of Dmitry Medvedev in the G-8, and on the world stage. The leaders of the Free World welcomed Mr. Putin's puppet, who had been anointed in blatantly faked elections.

On Tuesday, French President Nicolas Sarkozy sprinted to Moscow to broker a
ceasefire agreement. He was allowed to go through the motions, perhaps as a
reward for his congratulatory phone call to Mr. Putin after our December
parliamentary "elections." But just a few months ago Mr. Sarkozy was in
Moscow as a supplicant, lobbying for Renault. How much credibility does he really
have in Mr. Putin's eyes?

In reality, Mr. Sarkozy is attempting to remedy a crisis he helped bring
about. Last April, France opposed the American push to fast-track Georgia's
North Atlantic Treaty Organization membership. This was one of many missed
opportunities that collectively built up Mr. Putin's sense of impunity. In
this
way the G-7 nations aided and abetted the Kremlin's ambitions.

Georgia blundered into a trap, although its imprudent aggression in South
Ossetia was overshadowed by Mr. Putin's desire to play the strongman. Russia
seized the chance to go on the offensive in Georgian territory while playing
the victim/hero. Mr. Putin has long been eager to punish Georgian President
Mikheil Saakashvili for his lack of respect both for Georgia's old master
Russia, and for Mr. Putin personally. (Popular rumor has it that the
Georgian
president once mocked his peer as "Lilli-Putin.")

Although Mr. Saakashvili could hardly be called a model democrat, his
embrace
of Europe and the West is considered a very bad example by the Kremlin. The
administrations of the Georgian breakaway areas of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia
are stocked, top to bottom, with bureaucrats from the Russian security
services.

Throughout the conflict, the Kremlin-choreographed message in the Russian
media has been one of hysteria. The news presents Russia as surrounded by
enemies on all sides, near and far, and the military intervention in Georgia

as
essential to protect the lives and interests of Russians. It is also often
spoken of as just the first step, with enclaves in Ukraine next on the menu.
Attack dogs like Russian nationalist politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky are
used
to test and whip up public opinion. Kremlin-sponsored ultranationalist
ideologue Alexander Dugin went on the radio to say Russian forces "should
not
stop until they are stopped." The damage done by such rhetoric is very slow
to
heal.

The conflict also threatens to poison Russia's relationship with Europe and
America for years to come. Can such a belligerent state be trusted as the
guarantor of Europe's energy supply? Republican presidential candidate John
McCain has been derided for his strong stance against Mr. Putin, including a
proposal to kick Russia out of the G-8. Will his critics now admit that the
man
they called an antiquated cold warrior was right all along?

The conventional wisdom of Russia's "invulnerability" serves as an excuse
for
inaction. President Bush's belatedly toughened language is welcome, but
actual
sanctions must now be considered. The Kremlin's ruling clique has vital
interests -- i.e. assets -- abroad and those interests are vulnerable.

The blood of those killed in this conflict is on the hands of radical
nationalists, thoughtless politicians, opportunistic oligarchs and the
leaders
of the Free World who value gas and oil more than principles. More lives
will
be lost unless strong moral lines are drawn to reinforce the shattered lines

of
the map.

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