The realistic alternative

Adi Mintz says two-state vision unfeasible, presents just solution for conflict

Adi Mintz
Israel Opinion
YNET News

The argument presented by Tzipi Livni, according to which only the two-state solution would enable Israel’s continued existence as a Jewish state, is unfounded for two reasons.


Firstly, a state based on Tel Aviv, without sovereignty over the whole of Jerusalem and other areas of our historic homeland, may be a country that is home to Jews, yet it is not the “Jewish State” which generations of Jews aspired to return to. Secondly, any solution that would attempt to appease the “Palestinian nation” and satisfy its national demand only in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip is doomed for failure. The continued struggle that can be expected from within the sovereign Palestinian state will eliminate the Zionist vision.


To my regret, thus far the Right had been unable to present a full solution to the conflict. The partial solutions that have been presented were immediately and patronizingly rejected by the Left. Yet it appears that the repeated failures of the two-state solution, after the Oslo plan and Clinton model prompted the second Intifada – which exacted more than 1,000 victims – and after the disengagement blew up in our faces with Hamas’ rise and the Qassams, the time has come to present an alternative plan. Moreover, a recent survey undertaken by Professor Daniel Bar-Tal and Dr. Eran Halperin showed that 53% of Israelis view Judea and Samaria as a “liberated” rather than “occupied” area.


The first phase of the plan requires Israel to reassume full security control. Since Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, the Shin Bet and IDF gradually took over the center of Palestinian towns and put an end to the exportation of explosive belts to Israel’s cities. The perception that the Palestinians will provide us with security had failed. The joint patrols ended after the weapons supplied to the Palestinians were aimed at IDF troops.


The current training and deployment program of the forces trained by US General Dayton is also very dangerous to Israel. These are not forces for maintaining law and order. Dayton himself admitted in a speech that those who join the Palestinians military force do so with the sense that they are fighting for Palestinian independence, and if they realize such state is not about to be established they will turn their weapons on Israel.


In other words, if Israel thought it is assisting in the training of forces similar to the South Lebanon Army, it will quickly discover these are the al-Aqsa Brigades, well trained and well armed. We must quickly do away with this illusion, end this activity, and make it clear that only the IDF will be fighting Fatah and Hamas terrorists.


In the second stage, a long-term intermediate phase, we shall implement a scheme of separate roads that would enable free Palestinian movement. The issue of roadblocks is currently perceived as the main characteristic of the “occupation.” Complete transportation contiguity would separate the two communities and enable each one of them to live a vital and undisturbed life. The Palestinians will be given full freedom of movement, without needless friction, in a manner that would enable them to manage a proper economic and community life.


At this phase, we propose to impose Israeli sovereignty on about 60% of Judea and Samaria, which would include all areas of Jewish settlement and all areas needed to ensure “defensible borders.” Meanwhile, independent administrations will be set up to allow the Palestinian to autonomously and fully manage all areas of civil and municipal life, with a growing attachment to Jordan and Egypt.


The State of Israel will present a comprehensive “economic peace plan” to build the Palestinian economy, while donor countries provide capital and investments.


The third phase is a final-status regional solution where all regional states are required to chip in. Israel will demand that Egypt allow the Gaza Strip to expand eastward by giving up an area that is tiny and marginal for Cairo. Meanwhile, the Judea and Samaria population will seek a solution in two categories: Residents of the Palestinian contiguity will be the citizens of “independent administrations” with a confederative attachment to Jordan, while the administration in the expanded Gaza Strip will choose between a confederative attachment to Egypt or Jordan.


The plan presented here in brief makes it clear that we have no intention of “occupying” the Palestinians and managing their lives, with the exception of the security control vital for our existence. On the other
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hand, the plan makes it clear that the Jewish people has the right for sovereignty over the western Land of Israel. In the third phase of the plan, the Palestinians will be able to realize their national aspirations and right for sovereignty in Jordan and the Sinai.


There is no doubt that the plan will initially be rejected by a large Palestinian majority. They will continue to fight for the establishment of their own state from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River. However, Israel must present its just and moral demand for a Jewish State in the Land of Israel.


Adi Mintz is the former Yesha Council chairman