Abraham Rabinovich | January 16, 2009
The Australian
THE battle in Gaza is the first time Hamas has engaged the Israel Defence Forces in large-scale combat as an organised military force.
Acknowledging the IDF to be the strongest army in the Middle East, it nevertheless hoped to humble it as Hezbollah had done in Lebanon in 2006 by employing unconventional, quasi-guerilla tactics in densely built-up areas a conventional army would have difficulty dealing with. In 10 days of ground combat, however, Hamas has offered only sporadic resistance, melting away before the Israeli advance while suffering heavy casualties and inflicting few.
The IDF has deliberately confined its advance to a snail's pace to give the political wheels time to turn, but it reportedly finds itself already almost in the heart of Gaza City.
Even before the war started, Israelis knew it would end with Hamas declaring victory regardless of what happened on the battlefield. Hezbollah had done that successfully in Lebanon.
A parting salvo of rockets as the ceasefire went into effect would constitute a victory salute while the inevitable withdrawal of the IDF from Gaza would be offered as proof that Hamas had endured and won, regardless of the fact Gaza lay in ruins and more than 1000 of its residents were dead.
This scenario has made it tempting for some Israelis -- it is not clear if Prime Minister Ehud Olmert is included among them -- to rewrite the script by conquering Gaza City and making it clear militant Islam had been stopped on this battlefield, and easily at that.
In the end, other considerations are likely to prevail. The casualties both sides would incur in an operation involving door-to-door urban combat would be difficult for the world to bear, including the US and its new president.
Furthermore, total defeat of Hamas in Gaza would leave Israel holding not a victory cup but Gaza itself, a bitter chalice Israel would prefer not to drink from. With Egypt having made clear it wants no responsibility for Gaza and its 1.5 million population, it would be up to Israel, as conqueror, to administer the strip once more and care for its population.
Even Likud Party head Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's most prominent right-wing leader, indicated this week he did not favour toppling Hamas for fear Israel would be left holding the bag.
It remains to be seen how Hamas, its leaders and followers internalise this setback.
Some of the rank and file, after their fury at Israel ebbs, may have second thoughts about where Hamas has led them.
For true believers such as exiled leader Khaled Mashal, doubt is not an option.
"Tomorrow," he said in a Damascus mosque three years ago, "our nation of Islam will sit on the throne of the world. This is not a figment of the imagination, but a fact. Tomorrow we will lead the world, Allah willing. Our nation is moving forward."
This week, as Hamas leaders signalled from their basement hideouts in Gaza that they could no longer hold out, Mashal understood that the wind was no longer at his back and he would have to abandon his objections to a ceasefire.
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