In the days since I first wrote
about the "surprise" unity government arrangement forged by Netanyahu and Mofaz,
I've seen next to nothing in the way of expressions of pleasure at this new
arrangement.
Could it be that Netanyahu and
Mofaz are the only ones truly happy with what has transpired?
~~~~~~~~~~
On the part of members of
both the Likud and Kadima factions there is an expression
of frustration with how little they were truly consulted. At some
level, it was a "done deal" that they were asked to officially
endorse.
That this should be the feeling in
Likud is understandable. For, while the party's position may be stronger now,
the strength of individual members of the Likud faction -- especially on the
right -- has been diluted.
Rumors that have surfaced
regarding the possibility that up to three members of Kadima may be appointed as
members of the Cabinet particularly irked them: There was no mention of this in
the original deal.
All that is certain at this
point is that Mofaz, who has been cleared as a deputy prime minister by
the Knesset, will also be a minister without portfolio; he will
sit in the Cabinet, and, most certainly, the Inner Cabinet as
well.
The unrest generated by
this rumor -- I cannot say if it is true or not -- is, I think, a
reflection of a broader discontent. It's what happens when
people directly involved in the political process believe one
situation pertains, and a deal that totally changes it is then struck
at 2:00 AM, without their participation. Whatever else that is positive might come from the
arrangement, the sense of distrust that it has generated is regrettable and
will likely have repercussions.
~~~~~~~~~~
More surprising is that there is some of the same feeling of discontent in
the Kadima faction, even though some good percentage of its members would have
lost their seats had there been an election in September.
It is coming from the members on the left, most notably -- the
sense is that in joining with Likud, Kadima has lost its way.
Ironically, it is Haim Ramon, a
founder of Kadima, who gave voice to this feeling most vociferously.
(What is ironic is that this former MK is hardly a model of rectitude
himself.) He had been serving as head of the Kadima Council until the new
arrangement was announced. Now he has resigned from that position and from
the party.
"Kadima has reverted to being
Likud," he declared. "...Kadima is done being a centrist party."
The background on this is that
Ramon had bolted from Labor in order to join Kadima. A strange political
situation -- this party was founded with people who left Likud on one side and
Labor on the other.
~~~~~~~~~~
Now Ramon says he may join up with
(disgruntled former head of Kadima) Tzipi Livni and Yair Lapid to work on a new
party. I am assuming he means he and Livni will come under the tent of
Lapid's brand-new Yesh Atid.
Political musical chairs.
Enough to make one's head spin.
~~~~~~~~~~
Foreign Minister Lieberman held a
press conference in the Knesset yesterday, at which he declared that a major
test of the new coalition will be its readiness to pass legislation that would
protect Ulpana from being destroyed:
"The residents living on the
Ulpana Hill are law-abiding citizens and fulfill all their obligations: They
serve in the IDF and do reserve duty, they work and pay taxes. This is not
an illegal outpost; it is the government’s mistake."
~~~~~~~~~~
And, I see some reason for hope
here, if reports are correct.
Apparently, two versions of a law
that would prevent "unauthorized" communities in Judea and Samaria from being
summarily demolished are to be brought to the Knesset next week. One was
sponsored by MK Yisrael Katz (National Union), with MKs Yariv Levin and
Ze'ev Elkin (Likud) and David Rotem (Yisrael Beitenu). The other was
brought by Zevulun Orlev (Habayit Hayehudi).
The differences in the two
versions remains unclear, as I write. The version I am familiar with,
broadly, says that a Jewish community cannot be taken down because of
some general assumption that it is on Palestinian land; rather, there must
be documentation of ownership by a Palestinian Arab that is certified by the
courts. If a certain period of time has passed, and the community has more
than 20 residents, then even if Palestinian Arab ownership is
documented, financial compensation or alternate property is awarded and the
community still stands.
~~~~~~~~~~
According to Arutz Sheva, Orlev
says that there are reports that the prime minister is giving "positive
consideration" to the possibility of allowing ministers to vote their
conscience on the bill, rather than being bound by party discipline. Orlev had
been waiting for this.
Orlev is quoted as
saying:
"Based on the count of ministers and MKs who support this law,
there is a solid majority for passing it in the Knesset next
Wednesday."
What is more, according to Arutz
Sheva, Netanyahu will convene a committee tomorrow to seek a solution for
Ulpana. That committee will include Prime Minister
Netanyahu, Minister Shaul Mofaz, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman,
Defense Minister Ehud Barak, Justice Minister Yaakov Neeman, Strategic Affairs
Minister Moshe Yaalon," and Minister Benny Begin.
The prime minister is reported to
be considering either legislation (as alluded to above) or administrative
seizure of the land by the IDF. (If the IDF requires the land, for
security or other purposes, it becomes Israeli state land.)
The second option would guarantee
that the houses on Ulpana would stand -- but would apply only to Ulpana. The
first would be applicable to a number of instances, including Migron.
Were Netanyahu throw his weight behind legislation, it would
pass.
~~~~~~~~~~
©
Arlene Kushner. This material is produced by Arlene Kushner,
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