http://wordfromjerusalem.com/?p=4057
The dramatic coup by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and
Opposition Leader Shaul Mofaz to form a national unity government and
set aside elections until November 2013 has dazzled the nation.
For over three years in this column I repeatedly appealed for the
creation of a unity government to facilitate decision-making in the
face of the national challenges confronting us. Regrettably, former
Kadima leader Tzipi Livni’s egomania and obsessive hatred of Netanyahu
made this impossible. In truth, beyond personalities and ambitions there
was no ideological basis inhibiting these two essentially pragmatic
(and opportunistic) centrist political parties from forming a center
unity bloc. Many members of Likud and Kadima could easily switch parties
without compromising their outlook.
The vast majority of Israelis will undoubtedly welcome this move
which, if managed effectively, could finally overcome the great divide
which has so negatively affected the nation since the era of the Oslo
Accords.
The creation of a centrist government of 94 members – the largest
coalition government in Israel’s history – also provides the
possibility of tackling a host of major political, social and identity
issues relegated to the back burner because of the excessive veto power
of small hardline or one-dimensional parties which held the balance of
power in the Knesset.
It could make Netanyahu one of the most powerful Prime Ministers
Israel has ever had. By following a responsible centrist policy, he will
no longer be subject to blackmail or humiliation from the haredim,
Lieberman, the extreme right fringes within Likud or outside challengers
like Lapid. It will also immensely improve his global standing and
relationship with President Obama and the Americans in relation to the
Iranian threat and Palestinian intransigency.
But Netanyahu is also taking an enormous risk. He was a virtual
certainty to win the election but if he mishandles this, or due to time
limitations fails to convince Israelis that the new government is
determined to genuinely reform the system, this move could represent an
end to his flourishing political career. It will require major
legislation within a short time framework of nine to twelve months - a
somewhat daunting but certainly not impossible challenge.
For Kadima and its leader Shaul Mofaz it represents a reprieve
because the party would have decimated in an election, which explains
the lack of concern for cabinet portfolios. As many as two thirds of the
sitting Kadima MKs would have been sent home if elections took place in
September. Mofaz now has the opportunity - if he performs well - of
regaining the support of the electorate or of ultimately merging with
Likud. The other beneficiary will be Shelli Yachimovich who now emerges
as a genuine leader of the opposition and may concentrate on social and
economic issues, and possibly at a later stage still join the
government.
In my opinion, there are five crucial issues with which Netanyahu
and Mofaz must overcome if they are to win over the Israeli public.
The first could be the most crucial because it will set the tone
for the future government. That is the need to reinstate the concept of
Cabinet responsibility. The worst manifestations of dysfunctionality in
recent Israeli governments were the tendency of individual ministers and
coalition parties to act as though they represented independent
fiefdoms rather than being responsible members of government. Netanyahu
must ensure that once the government adopts a position, any Minister who
feels obliged to make a critical statement must resign.
The second issue, which seems to have been agreed upon in
advance, is to introduce the long overdue and desperately needed
electoral reform designed to stabilize the government and weaken the
power of splinter groups to veto the will of the people.
The third issue, also apparently agreed upon in principle, will
undoubtedly prove to be the most challenging: the desperate need to
review religious state issues which could never be dealt with on a
rational basis due to the opposition of the haredi parties controlling
the balance of power.
The substitution of the Tal law and the introduction of a form of
national service for all Israeli citizens – Arabs as well as haredim –
must be implemented if the national rage and bitterness generated by the
burgeoning draft exemptions is to be overcome.
There are other religious issues such as the role of the Chief
Rabbinate and rabbinical courts in relation to marriage and conversions
and the imperative of ensuring those future generations of
ultra-Orthodox Israelis are equipped with the educational training
required to enable them to earn a livelihood and not remain lifelong
recipients of welfare.
This will require courage on the part of both Netanyahu and
Mofaz, both of whom seek to nurture the political support of the
religious parties. If they merely introduce cosmetic reforms, it will
lead to a massive backlash at the next elections and provide strength
for opposition parties.
Fourthly, the government must continue along the path of economic
reform, especially as the European economic meltdown is likely to
impact upon Israel over the next 12 months. The main concentration
should be to continue breaking the excessive control of a few large
groups which inhibit competition.
Finally, there is a need to initiate an ongoing review of the
educational system which currently encourages tribalization of society
in lieu of cementing national unity. Whilst the haredi and Arab sectors
require considerable autonomy, it is imperative that in the long-term,
all streams be obliged to implement a core curriculum which incorporates
basic minimum secular standards and in which an atmosphere for national
volunteerism is nurtured.
Theoretically, these objectives could all be achieved in a
limited time span and would enjoy the enthusiastic support of most
Israelis.
Of course, the most immediate benefit of this government would be
the demonstration of unity conveyed to the world and the message that
the government, far from being a right wing body, speaks in the name of
the vast majority of Israelis. The presence of three former IDF Chiefs
of Staff in the Cabinet also gives us credibility in whatever steps we
undertake in relation to the threat of a nuclear Iran and will solidify
grassroots support for us in the United States. It would also strengthen
our relationship with diaspora Jews and marginalize those abroad who
have the gall to tell us that they know better than ourselves as to what
is good for us.
The writer’s website can be viewed at www.wordfromjerusalem.com.He may be contacted at ileibler@netvision.net.il
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