Just like the role of
red lights in intersections, so would “red lines” reduce the probability
of a military collision with a nuclear Iran. Clear red lines would
upgrade the U.S. posture of deterrence and enhance preparedness against —
and minimize the cost of — aggression. On the other hand, the absence
of red lines constitutes a green light to aggression.
For example, the U.S.
provided a green light to Iraq’s Aug. 2, 1990 invasion of Kuwait by
failing to flash a red light during the July 25, 1990 meeting between
Saddam Hussein and the U.S. ambassador to Kuwait. At the meeting, which
took place during the height of the Iraq-Kuwait border dispute,
Ambassador April Gillespie echoed Secretary Jim Baker’s self-destruct
policy of engagement and diplomacy with rogue Iraq. She stated, “we have
no opinion on your Arab-Arab conflicts, such as your dispute with
Kuwait ... We hope you can solve this problem using any suitable methods
via the Arab League or via President Mubarak ... All that we hope is
that these issues are solved quickly."
Prior to that meeting,
the State Department clarified to Saddam that the U.S. had made no
special defense or security commitments to Kuwait. Setting and
implementing red lines would have deterred Saddam Hussein, and would
have spared the U.S. the first, and possibly the second, Gulf Wars and
their devastating human life, economic and military cost.
The U.S.'s failure to
establish effective red lines to combat Islamic terrorism, and
Washington’s determination to engage and negotiate with rogue Islamic
regimes, has eroded the U.S.'s power of deterrence, constituting a green
light to intensified anti-U.S. Islamic terrorism. For instance, the
first attempt to blow-up the World Trade Center in 1993; the 1995/6
killing of 17 U.S. soldiers in Saudi Arabia; the murder of 300 civilians
during the 1998 car-bombings of the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and
Tanzania; and the killing of 17 U.S. sailors during the 2000 suicide
attack on the USS Cole. The absence of U.S. red lines and appropriate
military response emboldened Islamic terrorists all the way up to 9/11.
The absence of red
lines in the face of clear and present danger to U.S. diplomats in
Libya; the U.S. suspension of disbelief; the subordination of unilateral
U.S. military action to multilateral diplomatic considerations; and the
submission of counter-terrorism to the ideology of engagement and
negotiation, signaled — inadvertently — a green light to the bombing of
the U.S. Consulate and the murder of the U.S. ambassador and the three
American security personnel in Benghazi.
The Second World War
could have been avoided if British Premier Neville Chamberlain had
approached Hitler with thundering red lines rather than with
appeasement. Moreover, a British-French steadfastness in defiance of
Hitler’s pre-war could have triggered a revolt by the top German
military command.
In order to be
effective, the violation of red lines by terror-sponsor, Hugo
Chavez-supporter Iran must be followed by a devastating, disproportional
military preemption with no boots on the ground. The 1980 Iraqi
invasion of Iran united the oppressed Iranian people and the tyrannical
Ayatollahs against the mutual threat of occupation. However, "no boots
on the ground” would clarify that the goal is not occupation, but the
elimination of the oppressive regime. The Iranian people yearn for a
regime-change, which they know cannot be realized via diplomacy or
sanctions, which require the unattainable cooperation of China, Russia,
Japan and India. They were betrayed by the West during their 2009
uprising, and will not attempt to topple the Ayatollahs while the U.S.
refuses to confront Tehran. They are concerned that the U.S. is
hell-bent on repeating the mistakes that paved the road to the
nuclearization of North Korea.
A military preemption,
with no boots on the ground, is a prerequisite for regime-change. It
would constitute a departure from the U.S. apathy of 2009, thus
providing a robust tailwind to the Iranian people in their attempt to
overthrow the Ayatollahs.
In fact, a military
preemption with no boots on the ground would prevent a nuclear war with
Iran, while refraining from military preemption would — unintentionally —
pave the road to a devastating nuclear war.
Saudi Arabia, Bahrain,
Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Oman all register with the U.S. Congress their
anxiety about a nuclear Iran, which would devastate their pro-U.S.
regimes. They urge the U.S. to preempt and relieve them of a lethal
threat, just as Israel did in 1981, preempting Iraq’s nuclear drive,
thus ridding pro-U.S. Gulf regimes of a nuclear Saddam Hussein. Will the
U.S. heed the desires of the Iranian people and U.S. allies in the
Gulf, thus sparing the U.S. the economic and national security
devastation caused by a nuclear Iran in control of the Straits of
Hormuz, the nerve center of global oil price and supply?
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