Doc's Talk: 180,000 Palestinians Treated in Israeli Hospitals This Year

Friday, November 26, 2010

180,000 Palestinians Treated in Israeli Hospitals This Year

Tamara Shavit IDF

Thanks to efficient cooperation between the Israeli and the Palestinian
sides, tens of thousands of Palestinians patients benefit from treatments in
Israeli hospitals each year

Humanitarian dilemmas are a recurring issue in the Judea and Samaria region.
A terrorist fires at IDF soldiers, is shot and gets wounded. Is an IDF medic
to be called to treat him? A building is about to collapse in the heart of
Ramallah. Does the IDF enter? Does it jeopardize its soldiers lives, or
does it call the International Red Cross and risk losing precious time? To Israel, the answer to these questions is clear. According to Division
Medical Officer, Lt. Col. Michael Kassirer, The treatment of the
Palestinian population is first and foremost a moral and professional
obligation for every one of us. Do we treat them? There is no question
about it. But what happens in the long run and how? Where do international
organizations fit in? How will an independent Palestinian medical body be
established and how does coordination between bodies happen in life? These
are the real questions.

In order to start answering these questions, a special conference on the
topic of humanitarian medicine was held on Monday (Nov. 22), at Hadassah
Medical Center at Mount Scopus in Jerusalem. Commanders and medics attended
in order to speak and learn, from the most senior, IDF Chief Medical Officer
and the Commander of Judea and Samaria Division, to the 19-year-old
paramedics serving with the battalions in the region.

Up until September 2000, a Ramallah resident could have taken his car and
driven to Ichilov Hospital [in Israel], began Commander of Judea and
Samaria Division, Brig. Gen. Nitzan Alon. But from September 2000 weve
been in a state of terror. Hundreds were killed, Jews and Palestinians
alike. The battles took place in the heart of the cities, in places where
enemies stood side by side with civilians, with difficult conditions and
limited ability to evacuate. We could not practice medicine beyond the
minimum. In those days, we were on the verge of a humanitarian crisis.

But today, he says, the situation is different. Thanks to many efforts on
both sides, stability has been restored. The political leadership is able
to make decisions not in the context of buses exploding. And now, along with
direct military activity patrolling, arrests, crossings we are starting
a new kind of routine. Medicine is an integral part of it. In todays
reality, we are obligated to do a lot more than the minimum. Our addressing
of the situation should be as wide ranging as possible, said Brig. Gen.
Alon.

Thanks to the involvement of the director: the successes are numerous

Among the Israeli voices heard speaking, a different accent rang out every
now and then. Palestinian doctors and coordinators also came to Hadassah in
order to represent their side of the story. Among them was Dr. Tawfik Nasr,
Director of the Augusta Victoria Hospital in Jerusalem and coordinator of
all hospitals in East Jerusalem. I prepared an academic lecture, he said
apologetically with a smile, so forgive me if there is not much politics in
it.

And indeed, we've come to talk about medicine. The Palestinian security
system is composed of two centers: that of the Palestinian government and
that of international organizations. It is unclear whether it could function
if it was based on just one. In the sector, 25 hospitals from the Health
Ministry and 30 hospitals from various organizations are operated. Along
with patients treated in these hospitals, there are many people who can only
be treated in hospitals outside the sector, starting with those located in
East Jerusalem.

The major challenge for medical service is accessibility, he explains. As
the Division Commander said, the days when one could drive freely to Ichilov
are over. We face difficulties in transferring patients, personnel and
medical equipment. In too many cases moving freely is not possible. But
despite these difficulties, there are also many successes. He cites as an
example of patients coming from Gaza, treated in Jerusalem sometimes over a
period of three to four months. They receive a special permit from the
director allowing them to stay in Israel so they won�t have to go back and
forth and are housed in a special hotel in the Mount of Olives. All these
things are ultimately coordinated by the Israeli Civil Administration.
Therefore I want to take this opportunity to thank you. It is particularly
important for me to express my deep gratitude to Dalia, who is responsible
for organizing everything.

In the end of the day you know that you saved lives

Dalias full name is Dalia Basa, medical coordinator of the Civil
Administration. In reality, she is the link to everyone who deals with
medicine in the territories. In today's lectures, her name has been
mentioned repeatedly, always with respect. In an interview with IDF website,
she says pleasantly, A bond of mutual trust has been created between us. I
always tell them the truth. When the Palestinians don't do what they're
required, I don't ignore their behavior; but with that, I will always
listen. I hear them. I understand their problems.

The work is twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. There will always be
medical incidents. Health is not something one can impose a curfew on or
demand to freeze. I am available around the clock. Even on Shabbat, even at
3 a.m. if needed. There is a constant contact between me and the doctors on
both sides, the ambulance drivers and the patients themselves.

And, unbelievable though it may sound, because of desire and will, it is
working. Last year, 180,000 Palestinian citizens entered Israel to receive
treatment. 3,000 emergency patients were transferred from Israeli to
Palestinian ambulances using the back to back method, without warning.
Ultimately, this is a rewarding experience. There is frustration, of course
there is. But on the other hand, there are people who see me on the street
or in hospitals, hear my name and say You saved my sons life. When you
get home in the end of the day and examine your life, you know that you
saved lives. You know you did a lot of good.
Guest Comment: Well, so much for all the lies that Israel treats Arabs inhumanely... Don

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The IDF’s Minorities in Numbers and Pictures

In honor of IDF Diversity Week, we present diversity through numbers and pictures. Each year, more and more Muslims, Christians, Druze, Bedouin and immigrants from around the world take on the responsibility of defending Israel.

MUSLIMS:

Muslim Arab Israelis are not required to draft in the IDF, but there are many who volunteer. In 2013, there were over 200 Muslims serving in the IDF and over 300 in the reserves.

Bedouins:

Bedouins are nomadic Muslims who were in Israel when modern borders were set in place and are now considered Israeli citizens. They are not required to draft but a growing number choose to enlist. In 2012, there were over 1,400 Bedouin Muslim soldiers doing regular IDF service and almost 1,500 in the reserves.

Read more:http://www.idfblog.com/2014/02/27/truth-idf-numbers-pictures/#more-34027

Are you aware that in 2013, Middle class taxes go up-significantly?

In January of next year, the federal income tax rate for middle-class taxpayers is scheduled to rise from 25 percent to 28 percent, and the payroll tax is scheduled to rise from 13.3 percent to 15.3 percent… This drives the marginal tax rate based on the aforementioned three taxes to 48.12 percent. Add in state and local property, corporate, excise, and other state and local taxes, and the percentage of each additional dollar that is taxed hovers around 50 percent… When half of each additional dollar earned is taxed away, taxpayers experience a disincentive to start businesses or expand existing ones. This leads to fewer jobs being created.

Why is HAMAS Inside Tampa Schools?

Clare Lopez

Kelly Miliziano, who teaches history classes at Steinbrenner High School in the Tampa, Florida area apparently thinks it’s perfectly OK to invite a senior official of a HAMAS-affiliated organization into her classroom to discuss Islam with her students. According to local media reports, not only has this been going on for years, but in spite of the civil and criminal proceedings that could result from such reckless negligence, the Hillsborough County school superintendent, Mary Ellen Elia, and the chairman of the school board, Candy Olson, also expressed approval for students under their responsibility to be exposed repeatedly to guest speaker, Hassan Shibly, who is the Executive Director for the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) in the Tampa area.
More...

Did You Know... Ignoring the Call to Islam will Bring Jihad

‘Conquest through Da’wa [proselytizing] that is what we hope for. We will conquer Europe, we will conquer America! Not through sword but through Da’wa.’
-- Yousef al-Qaradawi , Muslim Brotherhood spiritual leader The Arabic word ‘Da’wa’ means the “call to Islam.” But do not think that Da’wa is the same thing as an invitation to an optional holiday event. The classical Islamic doctrine of jihad mandates that enemies must be given the opportunity to convert to Islam or pay the jizya tax before it is permissible to attack them.
Clare M. Lopez

Who is being discriminated-facts tell the truth

Religious bias

Hate crimes motivated by religious bias accounted for 1,409 offenses reported by law enforcement. A breakdown of the bias motivation of religious-bias offenses showed:

65.4 percent were anti-Jewish.
13.2 percent were anti-Islamic.
9.5 percent were anti-other religion, i.e., those not specified.
4.3 percent were anti-Catholic.
3.8 percent were anti-multiple religions, group.
3.3 percent were anti-Protestant.
0.5 percent were anti-Atheism/Agnosticism/etc.

http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/hate-crime/2010/narratives/hate-crime-2010-incidents-and-offenses.

On March 31, 1977, the Dutch newspaper Trouw published an interview

with PLO executive committee member Zahir Muhsein. Here's what he said:

"The Palestinian people does not exist. The creation of a Palestinian state is only a means for continuing our struggle against the state of Israel for our Arab unity. In reality today there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese. Only for political and tactical reasons do we speak today about the existence of a Palestinian people, since Arab national interests demand that we posit the existence of a distinct "Palestinian people" to oppose Zionism.

For tactical reasons, Jordan, which is a sovereign state with defined borders, cannot raise claims to Haifa and Jaffa, while as a Palestinian, I can undoubtedly demand Haifa, Jaffa, Beer-Sheva and Jerusalem. However, the moment we reclaim our right to all of Palestine, we will not wait even a minute to unite Palestine and Jordan."

In March 1977, Zahir Muhsein, a PLO executive, said:

"The Palestinian people does not exist. The creation of a Palestinian state is only a means for continuing our struggle against the state of Israel for our Arab unity. In reality today there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese. Only for political and tactical reasons do we speak today about the existence of a Palestinian people, since Arab national interests demand that we posit the existence of a distinct Palestinian people to oppose Zionism."

"For tactical reasons, Jordan, which is a sovereign state with defined borders, cannot raise claims to Haifa and Jaffa, while as a Palestinian, I can undoubtedly demand Haifa, Jaffa, Beer-Sheva and Jerusalem. However, the moment we reclaim our right to all of Palestine, we will not wait even a minute to unite Palestine and Jordan."

The Arab Apartheid

Ben-Dror Yemini
In 1948, the Arab countries refused to accept the UN partition proposal and they launched a war of annihilation against the State of Israel which had barely been established. All precedents in this matter showed that the party that starts the war - and with a declaration of annihilation, yet - pays a price for it. Between 550,000 and 710,000 Arabs fled because of the war and a larger number of 850,000 Jews were expelled or fled from Arab countries (the "Jewish nakba").
Population exchanges and expulsions were the norm at that time, occurring in dozens of other conflict points and affecting about 52 million people. In all the population exchange precedents that occurred during or at the end of an armed conflict, there was no return of refugees to the previous region, which had turned into a new national state.
Only the Arab states acted completely differently from the rest of the world. Instead of assimilating the refugees, they crushed them despite the fact that they were their coreligionists and members of the Arab nation - instituting a regime of apartheid. So the "nakba" was not caused by the actual dispossession, which had also been experienced by tens of millions of others. The "nakba" is the story of the apartheid, oppression, abuse and denial of rights suffered by the Arab refugees at the hands of the Arab countries. (Maariv)

International Law and Military Operations in Practice - Col. Richard Kemp

"Islamist fighting groups study the international laws of armed conflict carefully and they understand it well. They know that a British or Israeli commander and his men are bound by international law and the rules of engagement that flow from it. They then do their utmost to exploit what they view as one of their enemy's main weaknesses. Their very modus operandi is built on the correct assumption that Western armies will normally abide by the rules, while these insurgents employ a deliberate policy of operating consistently outside international law. "

Lost Historical Moments

What Rabin’s last Knesset speech really said:repudiation of a Palestinian state

Rabin ruled out a fully sovereign Palestinian state :

“We view the permanent solution in the framework of State of Israel which will include most of the area of the Land of Israel as it was under the rule of the British Mandate, and alongside it a Palestinian entity which will be a home to most of the Palestinian residents living in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. We would like this to be an entity which is less than a state, and which will independently run the lives of the Palestinians under its authority.”

Rabin ruled out a total withdrawal from Judea and Samaria and thus a return to the pre-June 1967 borders :

“The borders of the State of Israel, during the permanent solution, will be beyond the lines which existed before the Six Day War. We will not return to the 4 June 1967 lines.”

Rabin ruled out withdrawing form the Jordan Valley:

“The security border of the State of Israel will be located in the Jordan Valley, in the broadest meaning of that term.”

Rabin ruled out uprooting settlement blocs, like the Gush Katif bloc in Gaza (which was subsequently uprooted by former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon):

“The establishment of blocs of settlements in Judea and Samaria, like the one in Gush Katif.

AND

Rabin ruled out removing any settlement before coming to a full peace agreement with the Palestinians:

“I want to remind you: we committed ourselves, that is, we came to an agreement, and committed ourselves before the Knesset, not to uproot a single settlement in the framework of the interim agreement, and not to hinder building for natural growth.”

Rabin insisted on Israel retaining full security control of the borders with Egypt and Jordan, contrary to Israel’s relinquishment of the Philadelphia Corridor on the border with Egypt:

“The responsibility for external security along the borders with Egypt and Jordan, as well as control over the airspace above all of the territories and Gaza Strip maritime zone, remains in our hands.”

Correcting Oslo Myths-Part 2

3) Kuttab laments that the post-1993 Oslo process resulted in a Palestinian Authority "whose ministers and legislators are not guaranteed passage between Gaza and the West Bank ...."

Before free passage or other perquisites, PA leaders were obligated, among other things, to eliminate the terrorist infrastructure in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, end anti-Israeli, antisemitic incitement in schools, mosques, and communications media, and resolve all outstanding issues through peaceful negotiations. They met none of these commitments, sometimes bolstering terrorism and greatly increasing incitement.

4) Kuttab complains that under Oslo the PA got "lightly armed police ---- but no real sovereignty over the land or contiguity between our communities in Gaza and the West Bank."

Oslo agreements repeatedly were revised, regardless of Palestinian non-compliance, until the authorized number of police grew from 8,000 to 40,000. Though they were to be the only armed forces in the territories, Israeli estimates early in the second intifada put the number of gunmen - police, "security services," terrorists, and armed gangs - at 85,000. Their armament reportedly included not only heavy machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades, but also anti-tank and anti-aircraft missiles.

Sovereignty was to be negotiated in the envisioned 1998 "final status" talks - after a five-year period of confidence-building. Palestinian leadership chronically undermined the process. Palestinian terrorism made the 1993 - 1998 Oslo period more deadly for Israelis than the 15 years preceding it.

The United States doesn't have contiguity between the lower 48 states and Alaska and Hawaii; territorial contiguity between the West Bank and Gaza Strip - that is, through the 20 miles of Israeli territory between them - was never promised and would destroy Israeli contiguity.

5) "Palestinians have been made to endure hundreds of checkpoints in the West Bank, an eight-foot wall deep in our territories, and tight Israeli control over borders."

The security barrier is not "deep in Palestinian territories," but rather encompasses less than 8 percent of Judea and Samaria, and is mostly a fence, rarely a wall; the land in question is not "our [Palestinian] territories" but disputed territory to which, according to the authors of U.N. Security Council Resolution 242, Jews as well as Arabs have claims; and there are no international borders, only the 1949 armistice lines with Jordan. Under 242, borders remain to be negotiated. As for checkpoints - like the security barrier and "tight Israeli control" - Palestinian Arabs precipitated these measures themselves. No terrorism and there would be no fence or tight Israeli control and few checkpoints - like before the first intifada.

Correcting Some Oslo Myths

1) In Oslo "Israeli, Palestinian and other world leaders promised that ... Palestinian sovereignty would be solidified."

No, they didn't. The 1993 Declaration of Principles and subsequent Oslo agreements outlined a process by which final status negotiations about the West Bank and Gaza Strip would be reached. The process required an end to anti-Israel terrorism and incitement and a commitment to peaceful negotiations. The PA, Fatah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and other terrorist groups, sabotaged the process from the start.

2) "The reality is that, in defiance of U.N. Security Council Resolution 242, which states that it is inadmissible to occupy land by force, Palestinian territories are still under foreign military occupation."
Wrong again. Resolution 242 (1967) does note "the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war." It also affirms the right of every state in the area "to live in peace with secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." There were no "Palestinian territories." Jordan occupied the West Bank, Egypt controlled Gaza. Israel did not have "secure and recognized boundaries," so retention of some of those territories was possible under 242. Israel is not a "foreign" military occupier in the West Bank but, pending final negotiations, the lawful military administrator as a result of a successful war of self-defense.

Doc's Talk