Friday, August 09, 2013

Can Obama get anything right?

Richard Baehr


The events of the last few weeks have demonstrated to pretty much anyone but the diehard believers that U.S. President Barack Obama's foreign policy initiatives have been a failure. 

America is now less respected and less feared on the international stage than it has been for many years, and it is being challenged regularly by countries who see little or no downside to confronting the U.S. The administration's outreach initiatives -- to the Muslim world, Egypt, Turkey, Russia, China, and Iran -- have produced neither cooperation nor progress. 

Even Chuck Todd, the NBC journalist who once worked for a Democratic presidential candidate (Tom Harkin in 1992), whose wife is a consultant for the Democratic Party and "progressive causes," and whose liberal leanings are thinly disguised on the air or in print, offered this assessment:
"Our country's ongoing spat with Russia is the latest in what's been a frustrating year on the foreign policy front for the White House and President Obama specifically," he said. 


"From Egypt to Syria to Russia and China, there have been more setbacks than successes. While we like to think other countries once quaked in the face of U.S. power, that hasn't been the case since, well, the Iraq war. More recently, the Edward Snowden saga highlighted just how hard it is for the U.S. to get China and Russia, specifically, to bend. The limits of U.S. power in this flatter world are becoming more noticeable by the day. Egypt might be the best example of that, as the administration has tried many avenues to try and get the country's current leadership to back off on its split with the Muslim Brotherhood."

The latest blowback from Egypt is a video of a belly dancerinsulting Obama and U.S. Ambassador to Egypt Ann Patterson for their support of the Muslim Brotherhood, the only organization the Obama administration has gotten behind in the two plus years of turmoil that have rocked the country since the overthrow of the Mubarak government.

The president has now canceled a summit meeting with Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, but he still plans to attend the G-20 summit in Saint Petersburg, in order, presumably, to publicly express his displeasure with the Russians for granting asylum to Edward Snowden, the leaker of information on NSA data gathering. The move brings back memories of former President Jimmy Carter responding to the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in 1980 by canceling America's participation in the summer Olympic Games in Moscow later that year.
The comparisons of Carter and Obamaare becoming ever more common. Carter was dealt his political demise when he ran for re-election in 1980 against Ronald Reagan, winning fewer states than any other presidential candidate in history running for a second term, losing in the Electoral College by 489-49. Carter, a southerner, never won the love of the mainstream liberal press, and Ted Kennedy's challenge to Carter from the Left for the nomination in 1980 weakened his position in the general election that fall.
Obama has been protected by the liberal press ever since his bid for the Democratic nomination in 2008. A major factor in this regard is the president's race. No liberal reporter wanted to be seen as blocking this breakthrough for the country of electing its first black president, and for the same reason, they have been loathe to see him fail or lose his re-election bid in 2012.
When he sought the nomination in 2008, so-called investigative reporters for mainstream newspapers, magazines and broadcast networks were uninterested in Obama's ties to Reverend Jeremiah Wright, or radical Weather Underground member Bill Ayers, or Palestinian activists Ali Abunimah and Rashid Khalidi, or his voting record as a state legislator in Illinois or in the U.S. Senate. Obama was hailed as academic, cerebral, calm, brilliant, dispassionate, post-racial, a healer to our divided politics, and of course the anti-Bush, which mattered greatly to those who hated the former president for all kinds of reasons, not least of which were cultural (including that Bush was from Texas, and was openly Christian).
The continued unrest in Egypt, where the government currently in power seems to view Obama as supportive of a resurrection of the Muslim Brotherhood, and in Syria, where the death count now exceeds 100,000, and the fact that al-Qaida dominated jihadists are now leading the fight against the regime, with weapons supplied by the U.S., indicates just how much our influence has declined in the region.
The Benghazi cover-uphad multiple purposes, though the most important at the time was to maintain the campaign's narrative about the Obama first-term foreign policy "achievements" (Osama bin Laden was dead, al-Qaida was on the run, the long costly foreign wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were over or ending). But as Roger Simon points out, it was also important to shield from public view the extent to which the administration had made common cause with the Islamists -- on the rise throughout the region. Simon argues, much as Dinesh D'Souza did in his movie "2016," that Obama is obsessed with imperialism, and colonialism, and sympathizes with people and movements that have fought it. He sees his own country as having been on the wrong side of history:
"Obama is a postmodern agnostic par excellence. But like so many schooled in post-modernism and cultural relativism, he has an immediate and intense enmity for anything that smacks of imperialism -- and an equally intense desire to be seen as supportive of (although certainly not to live like) the downtrodden of the Earth.
"Which leads us back to Benghazi. You don't have to be Muslim to love the Muslim Brotherhood or even, consciously or unconsciously, sympathize with the goals, if not the actions, of al-Qaida. You just have to have been imbued with a blind hatred of imperialism. That's all you need."
The recent resumption of peace talks between the Israelis and the Palestinians, shepherded by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, has been one of the few foreign policy successes in recent months. But there is little reason to believe these talks will prove any more productive than earlier efforts. Even multi-decade peace processor Aaron David Miller is skeptical.
"Neither [Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud] Abbas nor [Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu wants to say no to America's top diplomat and take the blame for the collapse of negotiations. This proved sufficient to get them back to negotiations, but more will be required to keep them there, let alone to reach an accord. Right now, neither has enough incentives, disincentives, and an urgent desire or need to move forward boldly.
"Unfortunately, right now, the U.S. owns this one more than the parties do. This is not an ideal situation. It would have been better had real urgency brought Abbas and Netanyahu together rather than John Kerry."
In essence, neither side wanted to say no to Kerry, nor to Obama, but now with the talks moving to the region, and out of the D.C. media overload, the momentum will likely disappear and all the familiar hurdles defining the conflict -- most important of which is that the Palestinians do not now, and have never accepted the permanence of Israel as a Jewish state -- will reappear. This guarantees that there is no intersecting set of compromises that will produce an end to Palestinian claims and an end to the conflict.
When the talks break down, what will Obama do? Given his sympathy for the underdog, and his obsession with imperialism (is there any way given his worldview that he would not see Israel as an imperialist creation?) it is predictable where he will put his foot down on the scale, if he chooses to do so. With the rest of his foreign-policy agenda collapsing, maybe this is where he makes his stand. The president will not face the electorate again, and the only job he may seek after he leaves office might be U.N. secretary-general, where a history of pressuring Israel is an important credential.
Israel hopefully understands the worldview of the president of its greatest ally. It is why it will need to think about its strategic future as if it is alone.

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