The Washington Post late last week carried calls
from a bipartisan group of veteran diplomats and analysts calling on
the White House to work with Congress in order to "develop a bipartisan
consensus about parameters of an acceptable agreement" between the P5+1
global powers and Iran, worrying that unaddressed concerns on the Hill
will undermine the formation of a durable comprehensive deal regarding
the Iranian nuclear program. Eric Edelman, Dennis Ross, and Ray
Takeyh - respectively a former undersecretary of defense during the
George W. Bush administration, a special assistant to President Obama,
and a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations - pointed to
among other things "deep distrust of Iran's leaders" among key members
of Congress, which would have to be put to rest in order to secure
legislative buy-in to any deal. From a policy perspective the issue is
straightforward: New congressional action is needed to undo past
congressional sanctions, and the alternative - under which President
Obama would unilaterally suspend enforcement of those sanctions - could
be undone by a future president who ordered enforcement of the
restrictions. Edelman, Ross, and Takeyh bluntly declared that "the White
House [will have] to take into account Congress's perspective and heed
its warnings... [because] the failure to do so could mean that any
agreement negotiated by Obama will not survive his presidency." The
reasoning also formed the basis for a March article in Congressional Quarterly (CQ) assessing that
"groups on opposite sides of the Iran debate" were calling for the
administration to go to Congress, and which cited the National Iranian
American Council (NIAC) declaring that "[i]t is critical that Congress
work with the Administration to ensure necessary authorizations are in
place to enable nuclear-related sanctions to be lifted." NIAC has been accused by sitting members of Congress of peddling Iranian propaganda.
The Wall Street Journal on Tuesday revealed that
it had obtained evidence indicating that Iran "has kept active and
intact its core team of weaponization researchers" - with the outlet
tracing a decades-old scheme to shield entire military-linked agencies
from U.N. investigators - as international criticism deepened over what
appears to be a deliberate campaign by Tehran to skirt core obligations
regarding the disclosure of possible military dimensions (PMDs) of its
atomic program. The Journal contextualized the new
revelations as a potential corrective to the "palliative effect" of
ongoing talks combined with a recent report by the U.N.'s nuclear
watchdog (IAEA) describing halting progress on some PMD-related issues.
The IAEA report received broad coverage
as an indicator that Iran had "for the first time addressed concerns
about the so-called [PMDs] of its nuclear programme" - specifically in
the context of detonation experiments believed to be linked to the
development of nuclear warheads - triggering clarifications from
analysts and diplomats that PMD concerns range far beyond those tests.
Observers have instead treated the issue as a key condition for
establishing a robust verification regime. Various agencies linked to
the Iranian military are thought to have their hand in everything from
mining to enrichment to full-blown weaponization efforts, and untangling them
from Iran's atomic program has been treated as a prerequisite to
establishing the conditions needed to assure the international community
that Iran cannot obtain a nuclear weapon. Washington Institute Managing
Director Michael Singh emphasized months ago
that "[w]ithout insight into the full extent of Iran’s clandestine
nuclear activities, no amount of monitoring and inspection can provide
true confidence that Iran lacks a parallel program beyond inspectors’
view." The French Foreign Ministry on Tuesday according to Reuters
blasted Iran for dragging its feet on genuinely establishing
transparency around PMDs, with ministry spokesman Romain Nadal declaring
that Tehran's "cooperation with the IAEA on a possible military
dimension (to its nuclear program) is progressing too slowly despite the
agency's repeated efforts," and that "concrete results (in the
IAEA-Iran talks) are indispensable before the possible finalisation of a
long-term agreement." The wire wrote up the remarks above and below the
observation that "Paris has long held out for strict terms in talks."
News emerged last week that the White House was contemplating establishing channels for negotiations with Iran that would freeze out the French.
The
State Department was pressed on Tuesday over mounting evidence that
Iranian crude export violations - in which the Iranians have for the last six months
exceeded the cap of 1 million barrels per day (bpd) set by the interim
Joint Plan of Action (JPA) - will not be balanced out by the end of the
JPA's six-month negotiation period, and will instead have provided the
Iranians with significant sanctions relief in excess of what
administration officials publicly disclosed. Veteran Associated Press diplomatic correspondent Matthew Lee asked
State Department Spokesperson Jen Psaki about the status of previous
assurances, in which Psaki had brushed off concerns regarding Iranian
violations by declaring that future drops in exports would make
everything balance out over six months, given "new statistics... which
show that that will be mathematically impossible, that keeping that
average where [she] said it was... can't be done now because there's
been such a surge in their exports." Psaki said she would "talk to
[State's] team and see what their view is." The exchange came a few days
after Timothy Wilson, a visiting fellow at the Foundation for Defense
of Democracy (FDD), published numbers
based on Iranian statements and tanker capacities that suggested that
"only four months into the six month [JPA] period" Iran's sailings have
already exceeded a capacity "greater... than the average of a full six
month period in 2013." At stake are deepening worries that Iranian
sanctions-busting will erode Western leverage as negotiators try to wrap
up a deal with Iran before a self-imposed July deadline. FDD Executive
Director Mark Dubowitz worried last week
that eroding leverage may prevent American diplomats from securing
"[a]n agreement that is verifiable, enforceable and that prevents Iran
from pursuing both a uranium and a plutonium pathway to a nuclear weapon
would be a tremendous achievement." Iranian media bragged on Monday
that domestic companies participating in a trade exhibition had "signed
six contracts for technology transfer and 9 memoranda of understanding
(MoUs) on exchange of technical knowhow with the foreign companies."
Various outlets and aggregators late last week carried public reports
about a string of Hamas rallies in what has until recently been the
Fatah-dominated West Bank, as concerns deepened that an impending unity
agreement between the two traditional Palestinian rivals would allow
Hamas to halt a year-long downward spiral by expanding its reach beyond its seat of power in the Gaza Strip.
Turkey's Anadolu Agency specifically quoted Hussein Youssef, whom the
site described as a "leading Hamas figure," declaring at one rally that
"Palestinians will keep up street pressure to resist the occupation and
stand by the prisoners." The reports came just a few weeks after a spike in Hamas activity
fueled fears that the terror group was maneuvering to use the political
rearrangement to boost its status regionally. Meanwhile reports emerged
over the weekend that Iranian and Hamas figures - specifically the
latter's political bureau head Khaled Meshaal and Iranian Deputy Foreign
Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian - had met publicly, the first time
that figures from the two sides had done so in three years. The prospect
of a resurgent Iran-backed Hamas seems set to deepen criticism of moves
by Fatah to forge an agreed unity government.
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