Sultan Knish
Like a band that only knows one song, politicians only know one response
to Islamic terrorism. They wall off that vast majority of Muslims who
did not actually come down to Woolwich and hack at a soldier with a
machete and did not fly two planes into the World Trade Center from
those who actually did those things using action and inaction as the
defining line between the extremists and the moderates. The couch
potatoes watching at home and cheering them on are moderates.
That
might be fine if we were discussing an individual crime, like a gas
station robbery in Cleveland. But Islamic terrorism isn’t like that. To
Muslims, Jihad isn’t an act of violence; it’s an act of faith.
Islamic terrorism isn’t a crime. It’s a form of religious warfare that
goes back all the way to its founding. Islam sanctifies crime and
violence and elevates them to acts of worship and that is why its acts
of terror cannot and do not occur in isolation. It is never the act of a
single madman, because its intents and ambitions are communal.
When a Muslim kills a Non-Muslim for the religious reasons of Jihad,
whether he is a lone wolf or a member of a large cell, the act cannot be
divorced from its goals for the larger Islamic community. No Muslim
terrorist is an island. His terrorism is a communal activity that takes
place within the context of an Islamic manifest destiny. He does not
kill for himself. He takes the lives of others and offers his own life
in the name of a historical idea of theocracy and supremacy.
The distinction between action and inaction is meaningless. It’s the
distinctions between active support, passive support and direct
opposition that matter. Those Muslims who support both the ends and the
means of Muslim terrorism are active supporters. Those who support the
ends of Islamic theocracy, but not the means of Islamic terrorism, can
be labeled passive supporters. And the tiny minority of secular
extremists who oppose both the ends and the means are the direct
opposition.
The majority of Muslims can at best be described as moderate extremists,
while a tiny minority can be complimented for being extremist
moderates. And the existence of that minority is often as hard to verify
as the presence of Bigfoot in the Pine Barrens of New Jersey. Some
people claim to have seen one, but the sightings never amount to
anything tangible.
While not all Muslims support every act of terror, nearly all Muslims
support some acts of terror. They define acts that they disapprove of as
terrorism and acts that they approve of as resistance which makes the
formal condemnations of terrorism by Muslim groups completely
meaningless. Each condemnation only applies to a specific case. And
that’s even if you take the condemnations at face value.
After September 11, National Geographic interviewed a moderate “Islamic
scholar” for his response to the attacks. “No religion would condone
this,” he said, “Islam does not approve of this. There is no way that
the people who did this could be Muslim, and if they claim to be Muslim,
then they have perverted their religion.”
The scholar was Anwar Al-Awlaki, who had ties to the 9/11 hijackers and was an Al Qaeda leader.
Even if applying the term “moderate” to any mainstream Muslim leader
ever made any sense, it became meaningless once the ranks of moderates
grew to include the Muslim Brotherhood, Anwar Al-Awlaki and any Muslim
who was not at the moment engaged in chopping off someone’s head. And
once he was done sawing away and washed his hands of the blood, then he
too could be considered a moderate.
Of the two Muslim countries most frequently presented as moderate
examples, Turkey and Indonesia, both have committed genocide against
non-Muslim minorities in the last hundred years.
Around the time of the Arab Spring, reporters began describing the
Muslim Brotherhood, which had a long history of terrorism and whose
writings call for genocide, as moderate. The Free Syrian Army, which is
dominated by the Brotherhood, is constantly described as both “moderate”
and “secular”. But Hamas, which is the Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza, is
described as militant, rather than moderate.
There is no actual standard for what makes a Muslim group moderate. The
sobriquet is a form of approval granted by Western elites to Muslim
groups and figures that most people would conventionally associate with
terrorism.
Muslims
that might conceivably be described as moderate rarely are. It would be
redundant to do so. It’s invariably Muslims with a long record of
public statements in support of terrorism and associations with
terrorist groups that are described that way.
When a Muslim figure is described as moderate, it’s meant to be an
alibi. You might think him extreme, but the media has preemptively
stepped in and labeled him a moderate. That’s how it worked for Anwar
Al-Awlaki. That’s how it still works for the Muslim Brotherhood.
Muslims describe acts of terror selectively as terrorism or resistance
based on whether or not they support them. Similarly Western elites
describe Muslim terrorist groups as moderates or extremists based on
whether or not they support them. It is impossible to determine anything
meaningful from a dialogue in which Muslim groups are not defined by
their beliefs or actions.
If a Muslim group can be both terrorist and genocidal and still be
labeled “moderate”, then moderation has no meaning. When the New York
Times and the Washington Post describe the Muslim Brotherhood as
moderate, it’s no different than telling the police that your cousin was
with you all night when he was actually carrying out a series of
gruesome murders. It’s not a supportable claim; it’s an alibi that
doesn’t hold up under even the slightest scrutiny.
That precariousness is why Western elites unleash such an astonishing
volume of vitriol against anyone who challenges the moderate alibi.
Muslim and Western leaders both describe Muslim groups that they support
as moderates and those that they oppose as extremists. These groups are
never moderate because their basis for supporting them is the
perception that these groups are forging a path that is on the right
side of history.
The exact geographical location of the right side of history varies
somewhat between Muslim and Western leaders, but is largely the same.
Muslim and Western leaders both look for Islamic populists who can
combine modernity with Islam.
To Muslims, that means groups like the Muslim Brotherhood that use
Western knowledge as a means of Islamizing their societies. To
Westerners, that means Islamic reformers who will embrace democracy and
fight corruption while being able to hold a dialogue with their
diplomats and reporters. And in the Arab Spring, American and European
leaders agreed that the Muslim Brotherhood was the one.
Whether in Egypt or in London, there is no requirement that these
moderate groups actually stop supporting acts of terror, only that they
stop embarrassing the Western politicians and journalists providing them
with an alibi by actually carrying them out. For Western elites,
Islamic acts of terror are not an outrage, but an inconvenience, that
upsets the public and makes it harder to push forward on the larger
agenda of integrating the Muslim world into the modern world through
immigration and democratization.
Moderation refers to a seeming willingness to get with the program.
Anwar Al-Awlaki was considered moderate because he was willing to stand
in front of the cameras and say the right things after September 11,
even though he was involved in the attacks of September 11.
The Muslim Brotherhood is similarly considered moderate because it’s
willing to say the right things, even while its thugs burn down churches
and terrorize the opposition. It’s not the violence that matters, but
the willingness to put in a good appearance at UN, WTO and IMF events,
to fall in with all the trends and to maintain the farce that is the
international community and international law.
The moderate Muslim prized by Western elites is not an opponent of
violence. If that were the qualification then many of the Western
elites, who support and supported all sorts of leftist terrorists,
wouldn’t qualify. It’s a willingness to join the club and maintain the
illusion that a united world under international law is possible.
A month after September 11, the New York Times described Anwar Al-Awlaki
as “a new generation of Muslim leader capable of merging East and
West”. That is the soulless calculation behind the moderate brand. It
isn’t given to those Muslims who eschew violence, but to those Muslims
who support the union of east and west. And they don’t look too closely
at the fine print to determine whether this united world will run under
international law or the manifest destiny of Islam.
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