Sultan Knish
American progressives like to think of their country as backward and
reactionary compared to Europe. And they have never been more right than
now when Europe and the rest of the First World have gone right while
America under Obama has been left back.
In
America Alone, Mark Steyn envisioned the United States as a beleaguered
hope in a dying West. Seven years later, American politics are much
less healthier than those of the rest of the free world.
America does stand alone. It stands alone in embracing the rule of the left.
Recently
Australia, Japan and Norway welcomed in conservative governments. Tony
Abbott, Australia’s new prime minister, is a former heavyweight boxer
who attended Oxford and is putting a spoke in the wheel of the Global
Warming ecohoax. Japan is casting off its pacifism and standing up to
the People’s Republic of China and Norway gave its left-wing government
the boot and moved in “Iron Erma” in a coalition with the libertarian
Progress Party which opposes taxes and immigration and supports free
enterprise.
Australia, Japan and Norway are not outliers. The majority of First World countries now have conservative governments.
Canada
has embraced a patriotic foreign policy and energy exploration under
Prime Minister Stephen Harper. In Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu and his conservative Likud party have continued to move
Israel’s economy toward free enterprise. And even in the UK, Prime
Minister David Cameron, for all his follies, is a conservative, even if
he is more McCain than DeMint, and has pushed for deregulation and
welfare reform.
Sweden’s center-right coalition government has
won re-election for the first time in a century. Norway and Sweden,
countries that Americans used to consider the very embodiments of
Socialism, now both have conservative governments.
In Germany,
Angela Merkel will serve a third term as chancellor; although like many
European conservative governments, she will have to compromise and form a
coalition with the left. The Netherlands still has a conservative
government which has come out against multiculturalism and the welfare
state.
In Spain, the center-right People’s Party won the biggest
majority of any party in three decades and is projected to win
reelection. In Poland, the center-right Civic Platform continues to
govern. In Greece, it’s the center-right New Democracy. In Portugal,
it’s the Social Democratic Party and the People’s Party (somewhat on the
right, despite their names). In Iceland, it’s the conservative
Independence Party and the Progressive Party (also on the right, despite
its name.)
Even Europe’s left-wing parties have had to adapt to
the new economic environment. Denmark’s Prime Minister Helle
Thorning-Schmidt, who has been in the news lately for all the wrong
reasons, has suffered a severe setback in municipal elections and is
scrambling to hold her left-wing government together. And even
Thorning-Schmidt only made it this far by embracing welfare reform,
cutting corporate taxes and slashing unemployment benefits.
The
rule of the radical left in the United States is very much an outlier in
the rest of the First World where conservative and center-right parties
predominate. The conventional First World response to the economic
crisis has been to cut spending and reform welfare, while in the United
States has spent more money than ever before and expanded welfare.
Much
of Europe now favors less federalism and less immigration. The United
States has expanded its federal government dramatically and both
Democratic and Republican leaders support amnesty for illegal aliens at a
time when immigration is politically toxic everywhere else.
The
only major European countries with a sizable population and serious
economic problems ruled by the left are France and Italy and both are
approaching economic collapse. France’s ruling left has become wildly
unpopular and Italy is still imploding in slow motion. While the
American left insists that historical inevitability is on its side, it
has lost nearly everywhere else. America stands alone under the rule of
the left, in uncontrolled spending, uncontrolled immigration and the
iron hand of the welfare state.
There are key differences.
America’s
massive wealth and resources have allowed the left to act as if it
could borrow against them indefinitely to finance its big government
schemes. Imagine a billionaire’s fortune falling into the hands of his
idiot wastrel son who has no idea that money ever runs out.
Smaller
countries don’t have the luxury of running up infinite debts and not
worrying about how they will be paid back or pretending that impossible
rates of economic growth will compensate for trillion dollar deficits.
America is the left’s economic fantasyland because it has so much that they imagine that it will take a long time to bankrupt.
Most
European conservative parties are still much less of the right than
even the compromised Republican Party. European conservatives are
generally closer to liberal Republicans. By European standards, Jim
Huntsman would be a typical conservative. Bloomberg running on the GOP
ticket would raise no eyebrows in Europe.
Europe is dominated by
parliamentary democracies where it would have been impossible for an
executive to stay in office on popularity and racial guilt after his
actual policies had been completely discredited. In a parliamentary
democracy, the 2010 midterm elections wouldn’t have just meant a
Republican House of Representatives, but would have booted Obama out of
the White House.
Conservatives denounce populist politics in
America, but it’s actually the remnants of the system that safeguards
political power from populist elections that has kept the Senate and the
White House in the hands of the left while turning over the House of
Representatives to the Republicans creating a crisis in which the
populist body could do nothing, while Obama unilaterally ushered in an
imperial presidency.
European conservative parties are also more
adaptable because liberal conservative parties can form coalitions with
more conservative parties. A similar system in the United States would
allow the Tea Party to function as a junior conservative party while the
Republican Party continued to function as its more centrist big sister,
making conservative concessions to the Tea Party in exchange for its
votes.
There are Tea Party leaders who already envision such a
move which frightens the GOP leadership. But GOP leaders might want to
consider whether such a conservative coalition might not be in their own
best interests. The Republican Party would be freed from its right and
could play at being moderates without worrying about accusations that
it’s a party of extremists, while at the same time there would be a
negotiated system of imposing conservative compromises on it at the
legislative level.
A Republican Party-Tea Party coalition would
probably achieve a lot more reforms considering that even the UK’s
coalition between the Conservative Party and the left-wing Liberal
Democrats achieved more reforms than the Republicans did during the Bush
administration.
Another major difference is that America has a
higher percentage of minorities than most other First World countries.
In many First World nations, the left has assembled minorities into a
welfare coalition. But such a coalition is much more potent in the
United States because of demographics and guilt over segregation and
slavery.
Higher minority birth rates also mean that the United
States has a larger percentage of the youth vote than many First World
countries and a younger electorate is dumber and more vulnerable to
bells and whistles. A country with an older population would not have
embarrassed itself by running around in Obama t-shirts and weeping and
fainting at his rallies. Older people are capable of behaving stupidly,
but it takes a country with a lower voter age to elect a man whose only
real credential was celebrity.
The ultimate ambition of the left
is to alter demographics of the United States and the rest of the
developed world to a majority-minority population that will allow them
to loot the evil racist white minority of its wealth to finance their
Socialist schemes. Despite European open border migration, the United
States is closer to reaching this brink than many other countries which
makes it more vulnerable. As long as minority groups participate in the
left’s welfare coalition, immigration means economic collapse.
As
long as minority groups participate in the left’s welfare coalition,
immigration means economic collapse. There is no possibility of
maintaining national prosperity without drastically limiting
immigration. Economic conservatism and open borders to welfare
populations with voting rights are utterly incompatible and cannot be
made to work no matter how many libertarians and Chamber of Commerce
politicians argue otherwise.
Finally, there is the Obama factor.
Hillary
Clinton would probably have lost in 2012. Most Democratic hacks would
have. But the cult of personality built around Obama by the news and
entertainment industry has been very hard to breach. Only the “If you
like your health plan” lie has finally put a serious dent in his
likability and trust ratings.
Obama is something unique. He’s
the end product of a venture by liberal billionaires from the financial
and tech sectors to build a radical Trojan horse politician. They
invested a great deal of money into their project and the dividends have
been huge. No other First World country has been victimized by such a
calculated scheme or had so many resources invested in hijacking its
democracy.
Some 6 billion dollars were raised and spent in the
2012 election. Those are astronomical amounts of money and they are
probably only the tip of the iceberg. Beating that kind of spending
isn’t easy.
While the rest of the First World moves on, America
remains trapped in the defunct economic and political grip of the left.
After dedicating enormous resources to taking over the Democratic Party
and then the country, the left has turned the United States of America
into its Soviet Union, a country out of time, its economy and society
wracked by the discredited political and economic theories of the left.
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