The Palestinian issue has benefitted from the Arab/Muslim talk, but – due to the Palestinian record of intra Arab subversion
– has never been supported by the Arab/Muslim walk. Arab/Muslim
policy-makers have never considered the Palestinian issue a strategic
interest, but rather a tactical instrument to advance intra-Arab/Muslim
interests and to annihilate the Jewish state.
Irrespective of the Arab talk, Palestine has been a geographic – not a national – term/area,
as evidenced by the lack of distinct, cohesive national character of
its Arab inhabitants. This lack of cohesion has been intensified by the
violent internal fragmentation along cultural (e.g., Bedouins vs. rural
vs. urban sectors), geographic (e.g., mountain vs coastal Arabs,
southern vs. northern, Hebron vs. Bethlehem, Nablus vs. Ramallah, Nablus
vs. Hebron), ethnic, ideological, political (e.g., pro and anti
Jordan), historical, tribal/clannish identity. Such turbulent
fragmentation was fueled by the multitude of Arab/Muslim migration waves
from Bosnia, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Jordan, the Arabian Peninsula,
Syria and Lebanon.
Thus, the establishment of a Palestinian state/autonomy was not on the agenda of the non-Arab Muslim Ottoman Empire, which ruled the area from 1517 through 1917. The Ottomans linked the area – defined by most Arabs as a region within Southern Syria or the Levant – to the Damascus and Beirut provinces.
The British Empire, which dominated the Middle East from 1917 until the end of the Second World War, did not contemplate a Palestinian Arab state,
while establishing a series of Arab countries throughout the Middle
East. Moreover, the November 2, 1917 Balfour Declaration dedicated
Palestine, including Jordan, to the Jewish Homeland. The April 25, 1920 San Remo Resolution,
formulated by the principal Allied Powers, formalized the Balfour
Declaration-based British Mandate for Palestine, which was ratified on
August 12, 1922 by the League of Nations,
eventually transferring 77% of Palestine (Jordan) to the Arabs. The US
House and Senate approved it unanimously on June 30, 1922. In 1945,
the Mandate for Palestine was integrated into the UN Charter via Article 80, which precludes alterations, and is still legally binding.
Jordan and Egypt occupied Judea & Samaria (the West Bank) and Gaza from 1949 through 1967, but did not ponder the establishment of a Palestinian state; nor did the Arab League.
According to Dr. Yuval Arnon-Ohanna of Ariel University, who headed the Palestinian Desk at the Mossad Research Division, the Secretary General of the Arab League, Azzam Pasha, stated in September 1947 that the core problem was not a Palestinian state or Jewish expansionism, but the duty to uproot the Jewish presence in Palestine, which was defined by Muslims as Waqf – an area divinely endowed to Islam and not to the “infidel.”
The elimination of Jews was the top priority of the Grand Mufti of
Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the founder, the President of the
(Palestinian) Arab Higher Committee; a collaborator with Nazi Germany.
In September 1941, he submitted to Hitler a memo on “the resolution of the Jewish Problem in the Middle East in the same manner it is resolved in Europe,” planning the construction of Auschwitz-like crematoriums, in the Dothan Valley, adjacent to Nablus in Samaria. In fact, Mahmoud Abbas recently expressed his admiration for Al Husseini as a hero-martyr. Abbas appointed the current Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who continues Al Husseini’s anti-Jewish hate-education.
The limited role of the Palestinian issue was highlighted during the 1948/49 Arab-Israel War.
Jordan launched the war in order to eliminate the Jewish state, expand
to the Mediterranean and advance the goal to dominate Greater Syria.
Egypt and Saudi Arabia entered the war despite their inadequate military
infrastructure, in order to abort Jordan’s imperialistic strategy. Iraq
joined the war, aiming to control the oil pipeline from Iraq to Haifa.
Syria assumed that the destruction of the Jewish state would facilitate
the reassertion of Greater Syria. On September 20, 1948, the Arab League recognized the Arab government of the whole of Palestine, but ignored it, declaring it null and void in 1951/52, causing the UN to refuse Palestinian participation in the General Assembly proceedings.
None of the Arab countries fought on behalf of – or due to – Palestinian Arab aspirations. Therefore,
they did not share with the Palestinian Arabs the spoils of war. Iraq
occupied Samaria and transferred it to Jordan, which occupied Judea. In
April 1950, Jordan annexed Judea & Samaria to the east bank of the
Jordan River, naming it the West Bank. Egypt occupied Gaza and – just
like Jordan – did not allow Palestinian nationalistic activities. None
of the ensuing Arab-Israeli wars (1956, 1967, 1969/70 and 1973) were
Palestinian-driven. Furthermore, the Israel-Palestinian/PLO wars of
1982 (in Lebanon), 1987-1991 (the first Intifada) and 2000-2004 (the
second Intifada) and the Israel Palestinian/Hamas wars of 2009 and 2012
(in Gaza) did not engage the Arab states militarily or financially.
During the October 1994 Israel-Jordan peace signing
ceremony, top Jordanian military leaders told their Israeli counterparts
that “a Palestinian state west of the Jordan River would doom the Hashemite Kingdom east of the river.”
The Arab League and the UN went along and did not raise the issue of a Palestinian state in Judea, Samaria and Gaza until 1967, when it was employed as a means to undermine the survival of the Jewish state.
In fact, the Palestinian issue has never been a chief axis of US-Israel relations.
Therefore, while the two Administrations have never agreed on the
Palestinian issue, their strategic cooperation has surged dramatically
due to joint interests, mutual threats and shared values, which significantly transcend the Palestinian issue and the Arab-Israeli conflict.
However, ignoring the aforementioned reality, Western policy-makers consider the Palestinian issue the crown jewel
of Arab policy-making, the core cause of Middle Eastern developments
and the crux of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Thus, an erroneous
underlying, Palestinian-driven assumption has produced an erroneous
policy, radicalizing Arab and Palestinian expectations, fueling
terrorism and inherent Middle Eastern instability, distancing the
parties from peace and bringing them closer to war; thus, undermining
Western national security and vital economic interests.
No comments:
Post a Comment