Aaron Y. Zelin
Politico
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Why ISIS brags about its brutal sectarian murders in Iraq.
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Over the weekend, dozens of pictures trickled out on one of the official
Twitter accounts of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, the jihadist
group currently setting off a panic in vast swathes of northern Iraq.
The graphic photographs, according to ISIS, showed mass executions of
Shiite soldiers who had fought in the Iraqi government's military and
security forces. In the images, ISIS fighters corral hundreds of
individuals into trucks, forcing them to lie down in shallow graves with
their heads to the ground, and then shooting them with Kalashnikovs.
ISIS claimed it had killed more than 1,700 people, though the pictures
account for a few hundred at most. Though shocking, this level of
brutality is hardly new for the extremist Sunni group, as it has
attempted to provoke the Shiite population going back to last decade,
when the volatile Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was its leader.
ISIS subscribes to takfir, a practice according to which it believes it
is legitimate to kill a Muslim who has abandoned its hard-line
interpretation of Islam. Last decade, when ISIS was under the control of
Zarqawi and was then called Al Qaeda in the Land of Two Rivers (better
known as Al Qaeda in Iraq, or AQI), it used takfir to justify the murder
of not only the Shiite population of Iraq but also other Sunnis who did
not follow AQI's narrow and severe interpretation of sharia, or Islamic
law. (This broad use of takfir ended up backfiring against AQI, since
most Iraqi Sunnis did not want to live under such an oppressive group.)
So ISIS, the latest incarnation of AQI, has religious reasons for
massacring Shiites, all of whom it views as apostates. And there's
another motivation for it as well: old-fashioned vengeance. As ISIS's
official spokesperson noted in an audio message posted June 11, "It is
true that between us revenge awaits...a long and heavy revenge awaits.
However the revenge shall not be in Samara or Baghdad, but rather it
shall be in Karbala the city made filthy, and in Najaf the polytheist
city, so wait." (Karbala and Najaf are important Shiite shrine cities.)
So in ISIS's estimation, its attacks on Shiites are merely retaliation
for the Iraqi government's actions against Sunnis.
But there's also a strategic reason behind the executions -- and the
gruesome pictures posted online for all to see. ISIS's goal is not only
to scare Iraqi Shiites but to provoke them to radicalize, join
Iranian-sponsored militias and then commit similar atrocities against
Sunnis. ISIS then hopes to set itself up as the protectors of the Sunni
population, helping to consolidate its hold on Sunni population centers.
This strategy turned out badly in the recent past. In 2006 and 2007, AQI
bombed Samarra's al-Askari Mosque, a holy shrine for Shiite Muslims. In
the aftermath, Shiites launched major retaliatory attacks against the
Sunni population, kicking off a civil war that radically changed the
makeup of Baghdad's population through anti-Sunni death squads. AQI
might have gained some leverage or sympathy with the Sunni population at
first, but it overplayed its hand by imposing a harsh rule on much of
Anbar province. Sunni tribes rebelled, with U.S. help and encouragement,
and pushed out the jihadists.
Some within both the Sunni and Shiite communities hope there isn't a
recurrence of widespread sectarian violence. Sunni tribal leaders in
Mosul and Ramadi, for example, called to fight against both the
government and ISIS. Shiite cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani called
upon Shiites to stand up against ISIS, but only within the framework of
the Iraqi state apparatus, an implicit slight against Iran and its
proxies.
Though Sistani framed his appeal in nationalistic terms, tens of
thousands of Shiite volunteers reportedly have responded, and Prime
Minister Nuri al-Maliki has shown no sign of tempering his anti-Sunni
outlook. On Tuesday, the bodies of 44 Sunni prisoners were dumped in
Baquba, a mixed town only a few dozen miles from Baghdad -- suggesting
it will be difficult to contain the sectarian fires.
ISIS, moreover, is far better organized -- and, with its seizure of oil
fields in Syria and banks in Iraq, better financed -- than the AQI of
old. The regional context is indeed different, too. American forces are
not present to take advantage of a potential second "awakening"
movement, and split the tribes from the jihadists. And as we've seen in
Syria, although more nationalist and mainstream Islamist groups have
pushed ISIS out of certain areas, they haven't been able to
strategically cripple them. ISIS's base of operations in Syria also
gives the group strategic depth, allowing its fighters to retreat across
the border if necessary.
However this plays out in the long run, we will probably be seeing many
more pictures of massacred Shiites -- and Sunnis -- before the
bloodletting abates.
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Aaron Y. Zelin is the Richard Borow Fellow at The Washington Institute and founder of the website Jihadology.net.
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