Sultan Knish
There was a time when the United States government ran on hooch. Hard up
for cash, taxes on whiskey and beer funded the Civil War. With 40
percent of government revenues coming from liquor taxes, alcohol made
the dramatic post-war expansion of government possible so that by the
20th Century, the Federal government would have been unrecognizable in
scope and function to a man of the 1800s, but would have been all too
familiar to us.
The Department of Education was created in 1867, the Department of
Justice in 1870, the Department of Agriculture in 1862 and the
Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903. Within that time, the Federal
government had become concerned with every aspect of life throughout the
country. After the Civil War, the same whiskey taxes that had paid for
cannons, aerial balloons and widows' pensions began paying for the
transformation of the government into a booming engine of social change.
During the same period that the government was being unrecognizably
reshaped, the major cities were being transformed by a tremendous
immigration boom. Immigration had made it possible for the Union to win
the war by providing an endless supply of fresh bodies to throw into the
fight. German, Irish and Jewish immigrants came by the hundreds of
thousands and made the Union victory possible.
Republican Progressives had looked forward to freeing the slaves, but
were far less enthusiastic about filling the country with Catholics and
Jews, who were not only bound for Democratic precincts, but did not
share their faith. Germany had produced a liberal variant of Judaism
that was rather close to Unitarianism and had prospered nicely among
upper class Jews in the United States, but the Jewish immigrants who
were arriving were members of a more traditional faith in Russia and
Eastern Europe. But it was the Catholics who truly worried them.
The Draft Riots during the Civil War had to be put down with the
military and the armories were a hulking reminder that the cities could
go up in flame at any moment if the Democratic Party's radicals chose to
light a match. Those same Catholic immigrants had been invaluable to
building the Union, but with the South defeated, and the expansion of
the Union underway, they had become a problem.
Progressive reformers cast an uneasy eye on the slums and the Democratic
political machines that ran them and pursued a grab bag of strategies
for curing their ills, from birth control to temperance to socialism.
The progressive vision of a New America was being funded by liquor
taxes, but a combination of bigotry and health-nuttery, which was
another of the elements of the modern country taking off, brought quite a
few reformers around to temperance. Associating Catholics with liquor,
they went after liquor itself. But liquor could not be outlawed, without
also outlawing big government.
For the practical politician the link between liquor and big government
was a web that should not be touched. The drinking American was making
big government possible and should be left to drink in peace. But
progressive reformers are ever deaf to such logic and quick to cut
Gordian knots. Faced with a liquor revenue problem, they contrived a
solution in the form of the personal income tax.
The personal income tax was unconstitutional, but with the end of the
post-Civil War era and the revival of the Democratic Party as a
progressive political movement, the country had entered a period where
the Constitution meant very little. During the Wilson and Roosevelt
administrations, that document, then not very much more than a century
old, had come to be regarded as an outmoded work with very little
relevance to modern times.
The Anti-Saloon League, rising out of the mists of an uncertain time,
had assembled a coalition encompassing Klansmen, Suffragists, Socialists
and Preachers focused on a single-minded agenda, but pushing whatever
laws it had to along the way to reach its goal. And the road to
Prohibition lay through such policy territories as the personal income
tax.
Prohibition today is remembered mainly for the quaint scenes of
smugglers and lawmen chasing each other on dark roads, speakeasies where
liquor made in massive illegal stills was served, and the end of
national integrity as an age of national hypocrisy was ushered in by wet
politicians who voted dry. But Prohibition as a phenomenon matters
little compared to the ways in which the campaign to achieve it and then
hold on to it transformed the country.
Before the income tax, the progressive expansion of government had been
built on a hypocrisy that reformers had denounced. A better world was
being built with whiskey money, some of it, though far from all of it,
coming out of the slums where the new immigrants worked and died.
Afterward all that whiskey money went to a mob built out of the worst
elements of the slums while the government fattened itself on a new
source of tax revenue.
But the income tax was not nearly enough. The Federal government had
been running shocking deficits in the 1930s. The budget deficit hit
$903,000,000 in 1931, and then more than doubled in 1932 to
$2,472,000,000. A 2.4 billion dollar budget deficit might not attract
much attention today, but that same year revenues stood at only 1.9
billion dollars making the deficit larger than the revenues. A
comparable budget deficit today would not be our usual trillion dollar
booms, but something in the range of three trillion dollars.
With the Great Depression underway and the ultimate progressive Democrat
with a big government agenda in the White House, the liquor taxes were
sorely missed. Republicans lost 100 seats in the 1932 congressional
election and with FDR in the White House, it was time to put an end to
Prohibition and put all the lost revenue from liquor sales to work
funding the New Deal.
By 1935, revenues had jumped to 3.6 billion dollars, nearly double what
they had been only a few years earlier, but the budget deficit had gone
up to 2.8 billion dollars because spending had surpassed 6 billion
dollars reaching nearly 10 percent of the country's Gross Domestic
Product. It would eventually reach 24 percent of GDP, a figure only
matched by another Democrat. Obama.
Roosevelt's New Deal had drunk deeply of liquor taxes, but kept spending
money like a drunken sailor, and even with the income tax and legal
liquor sales, and a variety of other revenue raising gimmicks, the
government had dug itself into a deeper fiscal hole than ever.
Social Security was born two years after the end of Prohibition. One of
the creators of Social Security was Senator Pat Harrison of the
Cullen-Harrison Act which legalized the sale of low alcoholic beer as a
trial balloon for ending Prohibition. What had been thought a sin by
progressive Unionists had become the salvation of progressive New
Dealers who were less interested in moral reform and more interested in
building the institutions that would give them permanent political
power. And if those institutions had to run through the saloon, so be
it.
The expanding government had gotten a heady taste of how good steady
revenues from sin taxes could taste, and from that day on it was hardly
ever sober again, imbibing greater and greater quantities of the stuff.
One tax led to another and then another. The more the tax revenues
rolled in, the faster they were spent on creating and funding the bigger
and bigger institutions of the perpetually expanding system of infinite
progressive government.
Prohibition proved to be less about morals than about economics and the
ways that governments try to make the unworkable policy keep on going
just a little longer. That could be taken as a reference to the
prohibition of liquor, but it applies equally well to the economic
infrastructure of tax and spend policies. Prohibition had less to do
with morals than it did with political power, immigration and taxation.
On a social level, temperance had less to do with liquor and more to do
with attempts to reform a country whose cities were becoming
unrecognizable megalopolises packed with immigrants who were building
the modern vision of the world of tomorrow and threatening the world of
today. Prohibition became a reminder that modern technology and
techniques were ultimately no match for the will of the people. It was
the first real destructive test of the modern government's abilities and
it failed socially and economically, forcing the government to go wet
to finance its own operations.
Prohibition is long gone but the consequences of it, including the cat
and mouse game between organized crime and national law enforcement, the
personal income tax and the budget deficit, the pressure group that
forces the will of the minority on the majority and the promise that the
government can perfect the men it rules over and the national orgy of
hypocrisy that follows are still with us today.
With the end of Prohibition, the State accepted the idea that it had to
corrupt in order to uplift, damn in order to save and do evil in order
to do good. It had to become truly corrupt to be truly moral in the
service of the greater good.
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