The biggest news story of the week, perhaps of the year, slipped under the media radar yesterday: Edna Adato of Israel Hayom revealed
the main points of a report drafted by the Committee to Examine the
State of Construction in Judea and Samaria, headed by retired Supreme
Court Justice Edmond Levi. The report touches upon the heart of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and makes sense of the matter. One can say
that the government received permission to toss attorney Talia Sasson's
report on settlement outposts into the dustbin of history.
Levi’s
report concludes that Israel has the right to settle Jews in Judea and
Samaria, and that it is incorrect to say that building settlements is
illegal according to international law: "According to international law
Israelis have the legal right to settle in all of Judea and Samaria, and
at the very least in territories under Israeli control based on
agreements with the Palestinian Authority; and therefore the creation of
settlements in and of itself is not an illegal act."
The
committee also concludes: "From the viewpoint of international law,
statutes regarding the 'occupation' are inapplicable due to the special
legal and historical circumstances regarding the decades-long Israeli
presence in Judea and Samaria."
Since the 1970s,
senior jurists in Israel and abroad have argued that Israel is
completely within its rights to settle its citizens in Judea and
Samaria. Among them are the President of the International Court of
Justice in The Hague, Judge Stephen Schwebel; Prof. Elihu Lauterpacht of
Cambridge University; and Prof. Eugene Rostow, the former Deacon at
Yale's school of law, all of whom, along with others, have voiced their
clear opinions in regards to Israel's just claim over Judea and Samaria
within the historical and legal circumstances.
Into
this vacuum Chief Justice Aharon Barak and others inserted the legal
paradigm of "Belligerent Occupation," according to which military
governance draws its authority from the rules of international law in
territories that were won in war. The significance is that Israel is
deemed, allegedly, to be a foreign occupier, and it doesn't have the
right to apply its sovereignty over, or to move its civilian population
into, those territories.
Some
of the measures which hostile legal bodies have taken against the
settlement enterprise in Judea and Samaria stemmed from this perception.
These measures, which aimed at strangling the settlement enterprise,
received justification from the State Prosecutor's Office due to its
adoption of the Belligerent Occupation paradigm, despite the current
government's many objections.
If
the territories aren't occupied, the Left has argued over the years,
they must be annexed, including the populations there. But the reality
isn't a polar one, it is complex. The current report recognizes an
intermediate reality: At hand is a disputed territory; two entities hold
it; none of the sides is considered an "occupier." There is
disagreement regarding ownership, which needs to be clarified through
different means, but there is no definition of "occupation" in the
international legal sense of the word.
A
perception of Belligerent Occupation occurs when one country conquers
the territories of another country. In our case, the last sovereign
power was the British Mandate, which received its legitimacy from the
League of Nations to create a national home for the Jews in the Land of
Israel.
The
Jordanian occupation was never recognized (aside from Britain and
Pakistan), and Israel never conquered "Jordanian territory." Moreover,
Jordan renounced its sovereignty over these territories toward the late
1980s.
Another
dramatic point in the report is its stance on communities which were
built without a government decision ("Unauthorized"). The report
concludes that because their creation and development occurred with the
knowledge, encouragement and agreement of the most senior government
echelons, "this conduct must be considered to be 'authorization.'"
Therefore,
"the act of eviction from these communities is impractical and a
different solution must be found, such as compensation or alternative
land offers. For this reason the committee has suggested to the state
that it refrain from carrying out demolition orders in these
communities, which it is in essence responsible for creating."
If
the government adopts the report's conclusions, it means that the folks
working with Mike Blass over at the State Prosecutor's Office will no
longer be able to deny, in the state's name, the existence of these
communities and won't be able to advance their destruction through dry
legal claims.
The
government has taken a great step in the right direction on this
matter, much to the chagrin of the enemies of the settlement enterprise,
and to the joy of its supporters, comprising most of the Jewish
population in Israel.
Now a world war will ensue against the report and against Levi.
All
the old arguments and slandering tactics will be dusted off and put to
use; left-wing organizations will enlist the help of their friends from
across the globe, and the alienated juridical elite will fight against
the most natural thing to us as a people: the return to our homeland,
the cradle of our nationhood.
There
is no need to become over-excited; this is exactly what this government
was elected for. It is the will of most of the people, and it is also a
historical decree.
Since
the Six-Day War, however, Israel has refrained from declaring the
permanent status of the territories it won, excluding Jerusalem and the
Golan Heights.
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