No,
it sure isn’t the age of Aquarius or of Multicultural, Politically
Correct love-ins. It’s the age of revolutionary Islamism, especially
Sunni Islamism. And you better learn to understand what this is all
about real fast.
(Shia
Islamism, important mainly because of Iran and especially due to its
nuclear ambitions, is number two on the threat list. But that’s not our
topic today.)
Focusing
on the Sunni revolutionary Islamist tidal wave, the foundation of
knowledge is that there are three types and they are all bad, very bad. A
lot of people are going to be misinforming you about this and getting
others—never themselves, of course—killed.
Sometimes
people ask me why I use the phrase "revolutionary" Sunni Islamism. The
reason is to remind everyone that this is a revolutionary movement like
those of the past that seek to use a variety of strategies and
tactics--of which violence might only be one--to seize, hold, and use
state power to transform societies.
Some
ask why I use the word "Islamism" and the reason is because this is a
specific, conscious set of organized political movements. However
theology is related to this issue the problem is
political, not theological. If you saw as I did over decades how the
radicals had to sell the idea that "jihad" today meant picking up guns,
cutting off people's heads, overthrowing governments, and assembling
mobs of thousands screaming for death and destruction, you'd have no
illusion that they had an easy time of it.
This
didn't happen because somebody just pointed to some verses in the Koran
and everyone said: Oh, now I get it! We must seize control of the world
and kill everyone else. They murdered or intimidated into silence
Muslims who disagreed with them. Even today hundreds of millions of
Muslims oppose revolutionary Islamism. And if you don't play it
smart to have those people as allies--some out of mutually cynical
self-interest and some as true brothers who want to live in freedom just
like you do--and help them save their lives and countries you will
never achieve anything.
The
three types are the
al-Qaida style groups; the Salafists, and the Muslim Brotherhood. They
are all equally dangerous and some are more dangerous in different ways.
Have no illusions.
To
understand al-Qaida, which of course goes under many names and regional
local groups, is simple. It has one strategy: kill! Its only tactic is
terrorism. It is like those nineteenth-century revolutionary movements
that always failed and for which the Marxists had so much contempt.
These
small groups were always persuaded that if the workers would only be
roused to a general strike or that enough officials would be
assassinated the revolution would come like a nuclear explosion. Now,
these movements always failed but sometimes they laid the basis for
others to succeed. Remember, the People’s Will helped launch the Russian
revolutionary movement; an anarchist assassinated an American
president; the Serbian state-sponsored terrorist cell set off World War
One in 1914, and of course al-Qaida created September 11.
Al-Qaida
and its various versions in Morocco, Gaza (the Palestinian Resistance
Committees), Iraq, Somalia, Europe, Yemen, and a dozen other
places is dangerous in that it can stage terrorist attacks. In a place
where no government exists—like Somalia—it might conceivably seize
power. But al-Qaida is not the great threat of the twenty-first century.
It is a problem for counter-terrorism and relatively lightweight
counterinsurgency.
They
may be the worst guys but they are not the West’s main global strategic
problem. Everybody who isn’t basically a supporter of an al-Qaida group
hates al-Qaida except for the Taliban which is really sort of a similar
version. Why? Simple. Because al-Qaida wants to overthrow every regime
(they do play a little footsy with Iran but even that’s limited). Oh,
and they also loathe Shia Muslims
which makes for even more enemies and fewer potential allies.
It
is “stupid” to have no friends because that means everyone has a motive
to get you and nobody has a reason to help you or give you safe haven.
Doesn’t sound like brilliant strategy, right? But there’s more.
Al-Qaida,
although the name means in Arabic “base,” ironically, has no political
base. It sets up no real mass organizations; it doesn’t do social
welfare work capable of rallying whole countries behind it. There is no
way that hundreds of thousands or millions of people will rally to its
cause. Imagine someone in 1917 saying in Moscow, “Forget about those
moderate Bolsheviks. It’s the anarchists we have to fear.”
In other words, they are in a distant third place.
But
even al-Qaida can be used by the Brotherhood. Look at what happened: an
al-Qaida group stormed into an Egyptian base, killed lots of soldiers,
stole a couple of vehicles, and attacked the border with Israel.
True,
the Egyptian regime (that is, the Brotherhood) attacked and killed some
of the al-Qaida people. After all, these terrorists had murdered
Egyptian soldiers. But what did the regime tell its people? That Israel
was behind the attack. Israel had murdered Egyptians. And therefore
there is more reason than ever to hate and wage war against Israel. This
is how Middle Eastern politics works. And that’s one reason why the
Brotherhood—as it incites to hatred and violence even as it kills the
even more hateful and violent—will never be moderate.
Then
there are the Salafists, a word coined only recently in part as a
pretense to pretend that the Muslim Brotherhood is moderate. But this
also does describe a distinct set of groups, for example Palestinian
Islamic Jihad. Egypt is the place where the Salafists developed in a
most sophisticated fashion. But it’s important to understand why that
happened. Indeed, that point is central to comprehending what’s going on
now.
In
the 1970s, when President Anwar al-Sadat made the mistake of letting
the Brotherhood return to public life in practice, he threw fear into
them. Advocate violence in
Egypt; come out too openly against the regime; even become too
successful and back to the concentration camps you go!
So
the Brotherhood leadership, elderly and many of whom had been tortured
and seen their colleagues hung, played it cool. They had no illusions
about underestimating the strength of the regime. Yes, they said, the
day of revolution will come but meanwhile we are in a long-term stage of
da’wa, organize and educate. Patience is essential. Don’t make the
regime too mad. Yes, hooray for killing Israelis and Americans! But at
home keep the murders to a few too boldly open secularists.
There
were, of course, young men who were too impatient. Our leaders are
cowards. They have betrayed the true word of Islam! Let us organize for a
more imminent revolution, maybe even take up arms right now and shoot
down the evil regime’s officials. And they even gunned down Sadat
himself. There were many such groups—one, Islamic Jihad, joined up with
al-Qaida—but they had different views, mixes of strategies, and leaders.
Some were almost sects with charismatic shaykhs.
Now
they have blossomed forth, eager for
violence and instant revolution. Their al-Nour party—which only
represents part of this complex mix of groups that may or may not
cooperate—got about 20 percent of the parliamentary vote.
Is
the Brotherhood their friend or enemy? Should they raid police stations
and blow up pipelines or not? Should they set up morality patrols and
beat up young men walking with women and also women who aren’t dressed
as the Salafists wish? There are many different views.
Sometimes
the Brotherhood uses the Salafists as a convenient excuse. If Islamic
Jihad lobs rockets and mortars at Israel, well—wink, wink, nudge,
nudge—that isn’t the fault of Hamas is it? At times, the Salafists can
furnish the Brotherhood with the needed storm troops though I would not
suggest for a moment that the Brotherhood owns the Salafists. They are
definitely two different groupings, but their interests can blend and
the “radical” Salafists provide the “moderate” Brotherhood with a
convenient excuse when one is needed.
One
thing is clear though: the Salafists’ goal is the precise, exact same
as that of the Brotherhood. The only question is how fast to go, how
radical to talk, and how much violence to use.
And
another thing is also clear: neither in Egypt, nor in Tunisia, nor in
Gaza (where the Brotherhood is called Hamas) will the Salafists
overthrow the Brotherhood people. We can be less sure about Syria where
the balance of forces is not yet so clear.
Finally,
we come to the Brotherhood. The Brotherhood is the Communist Party of
Islamism. And you don’t have to take it from me that was an idea
expressed by the moderate, anti-Islamist brother of the Brotherhood’s
founder.
The
Brotherhood wants a Sharia state. It would like a caliphate (run by
itself of course). It wants Israel wiped off the map and America kicked
out of the Middle East. It wants women put into second-class citizenship
and gays put into their graves. It wants Christians subordinated or
thrown out. It wants all of these things.
And
it will pursue these goals with patience and strategic cleverness. One
step forward, one step back; tell the
Western reporters and politicians what they want to hear. Pretend to be
moderate in English while screaming death curses in Arabic.
These
are the people who are coming to power. They hate their Shia
counterparts generally and will kill them also at times. They will drag
down their countries’ economies. Ironically, they will succeed in making
Israel relatively stronger as they beat and burn and tear down; as they
set back their countries economic advancement; as they kick half the
population (the female) down the stairs.
They
will lose. Just as the Communists did; just as the Nazis did; just as
the Fascists and Japanese militarists did. But how many decades will it
take? How many millions of people dead and injured? How much human
potential and natural resources wasted?
And
will Western policy make easier the ultimate triumph of moderation,
moderation that includes millions of anti-Islamist Muslims and also
includes lots of Middle Eastern Berbers, Kurds, Turks, Iranians, Druze,
Christians and—yes—Israel. Or will the West make things harder, longer,
and worse.
Of victory, I have no doubt. Of Western good sense, all too much uncertainty.
Barry
Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs
(GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International
Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just
been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh
edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan).
The website of the GLORIA Center and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His
original articles are published at PJMedia.
--
No comments:
Post a Comment