Naturally
the question of who won any given war preoccupies people’s minds. And
I’m amused by those who think that Hamas won the recent conflict.
Winning has to mean something real, not just bragging to reassure
oneself.
Let’s
begin by examining the causes and goals of each side. Hamas’s goal was
to be able to attack Israel as much as it wanted without significant
retaliation. This time, as in late 2008, the war began because Hamas
escalated the level of its attacks on Israel to unacceptable levels
(more on that phrase in a moment). The same might be said of Hizballah
in 2006.
Israel’s
goal was to force Hamas to the lowest possible level of attacks and to
make such attacks as ineffective as possible. Incidentally, that was
also Israel’s strategy in dealing with the PLO. Attempts to “solve” the
problem once and for all, varying from the 1982 invasion of Lebanon to
the Oslo peace process of the 1990s didn’t work too well.
Nevertheless,
Israel was able to achieve its more limited aim against Hamas in the
later 2008-early 2009 campaign to gain four years of relative quiet.
With Hizballah, this goal has now held for six years. That’s not bad
given the reality of contemporary international politics and the Middle
Eastern situation, both of which keep Israel from gaining a “total
victory.”
Ideally,
of course,
there is no good reason that the world ensure the survival of a
terrorist, totalitarian, illegal, and genocide-oriented regime in the
Gaza Strip. Nevertheless, that is the reality. If the idea of Israel
going in on the ground into the Gaza Strip provoked so much
international horror, imagine the reaction to Israel overthrowing Hamas
altogether.
And
for Israel to overthrow Hamas it would either have to govern the Gaza
Strip itself, restarting the whole post-1967 process and facing daily
gun battles there or
to turn over the territory to someone else. Since the Palestinian
Authority isn’t interested in such an arrangement and is incapable of
even making a serious effort to overthrow Hamas nobody else is going to
do so or take power there.
So
Hamas’s survival as ruler of the Gaza Strip was not some victory in a
war that lasted a little over a week but is guaranteed in effect by the
international and regional order. Can Hamas continue to violate the
ceasefire? Of course, because Israel's only way of
enforcing it is military retaliation and now, as has been true for the
last five years, Israel has to consider how to do each one without being
blamed for a breakdown in the ceasefire. That won't stop Israel from
hitting back with the goal of minimizing Hamas's attacks.
After these two significant factors--which both existed beforehand--it’s all downhill for Hamas. Given the destruction of its weaponry, Hamas is less able to attack than it had been and while every Hamas leader denies it, the vision of their colleagues getting killed does have a deterrent effect on their boldness.
After these two significant factors--which both existed beforehand--it’s all downhill for Hamas. Given the destruction of its weaponry, Hamas is less able to attack than it had been and while every Hamas leader denies it, the vision of their colleagues getting killed does have a deterrent effect on their boldness.
The
amount of regional support Hamas received during the recent war was
remarkably low. The anti-Islamist Arab states wanted Hamas to lose. Iran
cheered and sent missiles which is quite significant but only gets you
so far. The Arab street didn’t do much; Syria’s regime is busy with the
civil war; Iraq is for all practical purposes out of the conflict.
Whatever lip service it gives, the Shia Islamist Hizballah didn’t lift a
trigger finger to help Sunni Islamist Hamas.
It was these factors that led Fareed Zaharia, the influential American commentator—no friend of Israel—who has Obama’s ear to write a Washington Post piece entitled, "Israel dominates the new Middle East."
As
for Egypt, while the Muslim Brotherhood regime is 100 percent
pro-Hamas, it isn’t going to be dictated to by its much smaller brother.
The Egyptian government has bigger fish to fry. It is busy
consolidating its dictatorship and reeling in almost $10 billion in
foreign aid.
Hamas
didn’t consult Cairo over the escalation that led to this war. Equally
bad, Hamas has become entangled with small jihadist groups that attack
both Egypt and Israel. Naturally, the Cairo government doesn’t care if
Israel is the only target but reacts strongly to being hit itself. So
before the escalation the Egyptian government was angry at Hamas.
There
will be times in future when Cairo will give Hamas full backing but
this wasn’t one of them. Moreover, it seems that the Egyptian government
has committed itself to crack down more on arms’ imports across the
Egypt-Gaza border. Of course, that promise might well not be kept—if
only for the bribes paid to Egyptian military officers by smugglers—but
retaining the status quo is hardly a victory for Hamas.
The
supposed greatest military achievement of Hamas was sending missiles in
the direction of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Yet this was accomplished by
taking out most or all of the explosives in order to extend the range.
The Iron Dome system shot down most of these and little damage was done.
By
the end of the war, Hamas was apparently out of missiles
(though not shorter-range rockets). It had lost a lot of cadre and
needs to rebuild part of its infrastructure and most of its arsenal.
Israel faces no such problems. In addition, Israel continues to prosper
and advance while the Gaza Strip, in part thanks to Hamas's own
strategy, continues to stagnate.
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Of
course, Hamas did manage to terrorize a million Israelis in the south
and close down normal life there. This is an accomplishment but
something Hamas also did in 2008-2009 with more effectiveness since
there was no real anti-missile defense. Everyone knows that Hamas can do
this.
How does that advance Hamas’s cause of wiping Israel off the map?
And
Hamas is no closer to taking over the West Bank than it’s been in the
past, in no small part because of Israel’s behind-the-scenes efforts.
Also of tremendous significance is the fact that the war did not
increase Hamas’s legitimacy with the West. If anything, the opposite is
true. While one can find plenty of objectionable Western media coverage,
it was less hostile to Israel than in 2006 or 2008-2009. Part of the
gain is due to the fact that the Israeli government and military have
finally learned how to use social media effectively.
At
any rate, no one in the West is rushing to have diplomatic relations
with Hamas or help it out beyond letting it continue to exist and, of
course, terrorize the people of the Gaza Strip and teach children to
grow up to be terrorists. It is a disgusting situation but not one
amenable to change by Israeli action.
So
Israel won the war. The problem is that the word “won” has limited
significance and “winning” doesn’t remove the problem and bring
long-term peace. That, however, is in the nature of the situation and not in the war itself.
This inability to obtain total victory is characteristic of Israel's strategic situation for reasons totally extraneous to Israel and which virtually everyone in the country understands, though many foreign observers don't. Israel's big victories in the 1967 and 1973 war did not end the conflict or stop attempts by terrorists to attack into the country. The goal is to discourage them and make it harder for them to succeed.
As a result, Israelis can go about their lives and the country can prosper. Sixty-four years of effort have devastated Israels enemies but brought them not one step closer to wiping it off the map.
This inability to obtain total victory is characteristic of Israel's strategic situation for reasons totally extraneous to Israel and which virtually everyone in the country understands, though many foreign observers don't. Israel's big victories in the 1967 and 1973 war did not end the conflict or stop attempts by terrorists to attack into the country. The goal is to discourage them and make it harder for them to succeed.
As a result, Israelis can go about their lives and the country can prosper. Sixty-four years of effort have devastated Israels enemies but brought them not one step closer to wiping it off the map.
The
danger regarding the Gaza Strip is longer-term. As the Brotherhood
consolidates control over Egypt and if a Muslim Brotherhood regime comes
to power in Syria, there might come a day when Hamas has real support
from two powerful Arab states plus Iran. The situation might then
resemble that which Israel faced from Arab nationalist governments in
the 1950s-1980s period.
Israel's goal, then, is also to deter even the most hostile, hate-filled Egyptian Islamist regime from going too far in trying to implement the Muslim Brotherhood's genocide program. Its cheering Hamas is not the problem. The issue is how much it will help Hamas and, even more important, whether it will some day fight alongside it. Has this deterrence been increased by the recent war?
Apparently, yes, and that is a very important outcome. Israel has reminded Egypt of its own power; Hamas has showed its Egyptian sponsor that it was not a good team player. Perhaps the better way to put it is that Israel won the battle but the war goes on, as indeed it has for our entire lifetimes.
Israel's goal, then, is also to deter even the most hostile, hate-filled Egyptian Islamist regime from going too far in trying to implement the Muslim Brotherhood's genocide program. Its cheering Hamas is not the problem. The issue is how much it will help Hamas and, even more important, whether it will some day fight alongside it. Has this deterrence been increased by the recent war?
Apparently, yes, and that is a very important outcome. Israel has reminded Egypt of its own power; Hamas has showed its Egyptian sponsor that it was not a good team player. Perhaps the better way to put it is that Israel won the battle but the war goes on, as indeed it has for our entire lifetimes.
Barry
Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs
(GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International
Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His latest book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent
books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center and of his blog, Rubin
Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.
Professor Barry Rubin, Director, Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center http://www.gloria-center.org
The Rubin Report blog http://rubinreports.blogspot.com/
He is a featured columnist at PJM http://pajamasmedia.com/barryrubin/.
Editor, Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal http://www.gloria-center.org
Editor Turkish Studies,http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=t713636933%22
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