Less
than 100 days before the US presidential elections, the Obama
administration is openly denying Israel's sovereignty over Jerusalem.
Can this be a vote-getter?
Last week, the
Emergency Committee for Israel released an ad titled, "O, Jerusalem."
The commercial showed administration officials squirming when asked to
name the capital of Israel, and highlighted the recent refusals of White
House and State Department spokespeople to acknowledge that Jerusalem
is Israel's capital city. The underlying message of the ad was that the
administration's policy is out of step with the views of the majority of
Americans.
Barack Obama's position is
certainly a political outlier. The 1995 Jerusalem Embassy Act, passed
nearly unanimously by both houses of Congress, explicitly stated that it
is the policy of the United States that Jerusalem should be recognized
as the capital of Israel. The law granted the president a right to
postpone the transfer of the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem on
national security grounds. But the law's recognition of Jerusalem as
Israel's capital was unconditional.
During his
visit to Israel earlier this week, presumptive Republican presidential
nominee Mitt Romney highlighted the fact that he holds the consensus
view of the American public on Jerusalem.
In
his speech in Jerusalem on Sunday afternoon, Romney said simply, "It is a
deeply moving experience to be in Jerusalem, the capital of Israel."
The Palestinians were predictably enraged.
Also
predictably, the Palestinians chastised Romney for another statement he
made that was equally rooted in America's bipartisan consensus.
Romney
noted that other things being equal, cultures that uphold and protect
political and economic freedoms are more prosperous than cultures that
don't.
In a breakfast meeting with American
supporters in Jerusalem on Monday, Romney noted that Israel's per capita
income is significantly higher than the per capital income of
Palestinians in areas governed by the Palestinian Authority, just as per
capita income in the US is higher than per capita income in Mexico, and
per capita income in Chile is higher than per capita income in Ecuador.
It
is hard to think of a milder criticism of Palestinian society than
Romney's comparison of the Palestinian economy to the economies of
Mexico and Ecuador. Romney could easily have gone much further without
ever leaving the confines of received wisdom. For instance, he could
have mentioned - as Obama did in his speech in Cairo in June 2009 - that
Muslim societies under-invest in education relative to non-Muslim
societies.
Or he could have highlighted - as
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton often did during her tenure in the US
Senate - that official Palestinian institutions indoctrinate
Palestinian children in a culture of death, teach them to hate Jews and
aspire to become suicide bombers in a jihad aimed at Israel's physical
eradication.
It was predictable that the
Palestinians would condemn Romney for his run of the mill support for
Israel and his milquetoast criticism of the Palestinians, because they
reject every criticism of their behavior and take umbrage at every step
anyone takes that suggests acceptance of the Jewish state or recognition
of Jewish history.
This behavior is common to
all groups in Palestinian society, from Hamas to Fatah to the so-called
liberal reformers. In line with this, while Hamas condemned visits to
Auschwitz as helping "Israel to spread the lie of the Holocaust... and
garner international sympathy... at the expense of the Palestinians,"
the supposedly moderate, liberal Palestinian for Dignity organization
condemned the EU for upgrading its trade ties with Israel.
The
EU is the largest financial backer of the PA. Its policies towards
Israel are in complete alignment with what the purportedly moderate
Palestinians claim they want in a peace deal with Israel, including the
partition of Jerusalem, and the expulsion of 600,000 Jews from Judea and
Samaria and the neighborhoods built outside of the 1949 armistice lines
in Jerusalem. And yet, as Shoshana Bryen from the Jewish Policy Center
reported, for simply upgrading EU trade ties with Israel, Palestinian
for Dignity announced its members "will organize to protest the latest
manifestation of EU complicity and to challenge its presence and
operations in Palestine."
Given the routine
nature of Palestinian hysteria at Romney, and the bipartisan consensus
upon which Romney's remarks were based, there was no reason either his
remarks or the Palestinians' response to his remarks would spark any
controversy in the US. Indeed, given the fact that both US law and the
majority of Americans respect Israel's determination that Jerusalem is
its capital city, it could have been taken for granted that Obama would
keep his head down and hope to avoid further discussion of the issue.
Certainly,
given that he had made statements similar to - indeed stronger than -
Romney's statements about cultural causes for economic prosperity, it
could have been assumed that Obama and his surrogates would have
disregarded PA spokesman Saeb Erekat's ridiculous characterization of
Romney's statement as "racist."
Given that it
is election season, and then-candidate Obama's stated support for
Jerusalem as Israel's capital in 2008, the Obama administration could
reasonably have made its own endorsement of Jerusalem as Israel's
capital city.
But amazingly, the Obama
administration has taken the opposite tack. Obama and his media
surrogates seized on the Palestinians' criticism of Romney as proof that
by embracing the American consensus on Israel, Romney had committed an
unforgivable diplomatic faux pas.
First there
was the White House's statement Monday on Jerusalem. Rather than keeping
quiet, Obama doubled down. In a press briefing, White House deputy
spokesman Josh Earnest not only refused to acknowledge that Jerusalem is
the capital of Israel. He drew attention to the difference between
Romney's position and the administration's and denied that Israel has a
capital.
In Earnest's words, "Our view is that
[Romney's position that Jerusalem is Israel's capital] is a different
position than this administration holds. It's the view of this
administration that the capital should be determined in final-status
negotiations between parties."
At the same
time, Obama's media surrogates have focused their wrath on Romney's
statement about the cultural sources of economic prosperity.
Foreign Policy's David Rothkopf condemned Romney's statement as racist.
The New York Times' Thomas Friedman accused Romney of "not knowing what he was talking about."
Both
Rothkopf and Friedman - and a chorus of their colleagues on the even
more hysterical Left - laced their broadsides against Romney with
frontal assaults against top Republican donor Sheldon Adelson and other
Jewish American supporters of Romney. These denunciations were - at a
minimum - infused with anti-Semitic innuendo.
Rothkopf
wrote that in embracing Israel, "at a fund-raiser to pander to big
donors - including Sheldon Adelson," Romney displayed "a willingness to
sacrifice US interests in exchange for political cash."
Friedman's
entire column was a screed against pro-Israel American Jews who
contribute to the campaigns of candidates that support Israel. He argued
that in pursuit of these American Jewish dollars, Republican
politicians have abandoned America's national interest. In other words,
Friedman alleged that American Jewish money is causing Republicans to
betray their country.
Friedman wrote, "the main
Israel lobby, AIPAC, has made itself the feared arbiter of which
lawmakers are 'pro' and which are 'anti-Israel,' and therefore who
should get donations and who should not."
On
their face, Obama's repeated assaults on Israeli sovereignty over
Jerusalem, and his surrogates' attacks on pro-Israel politicians, make
no sense. For the past two years, Democratic leaders have insisted that
support for Israel is bipartisan.
Last year,
Democratic National Committee chairwoman Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz
demanded that her Republican colleagues avoid making Israel a "wedge
issue," that would distinguish Democrats from Republicans.
But
again, Romney's statements in Jerusalem did nothing of the sort. They
were the embodiment of the bipartisan consensus. It is Obama who is
distinguishing between the parties' positions on Israel.
Obama is making his hostility to Israel a wedge issue.
As
Republicans repeat traditional positions, the Democrats are rendering
conventional statements of amity with the Jewish state controversial. It
is the Obama White House and its surrogates who are attacking those who
recognize Israel's capital as diplomatic flamethrowers. It is the
Democrats who are demonizing American supporters of Israel as disloyal.
Obama's
assault on Romney is an extension and amplification of his Jewish proxy
J Street's campaign against Congressmen Allen West of Florida and Joe
Walsh of Illinois. Last month, J Street released ads attacking West and
Walsh for being even more pro-Israel than most of their pro-Israel
congressional colleagues. After Romney returned from Israel, J Street
released a new ad attacking Romney for being nearly as pro-Israel as
West and Walsh.
What has changed? Why are Obama
and his surrogates now highlighting Obama's hostility? Why are they
making opposition to Israel a partisan issue and attacking Republicans
for being pro-Israel?
Much of the answer was
provided by by J Street president Jeremy Ben-Ami last week. In an
interview with The New York Times, Ben-Ami explained, "Every single
number indicates that there is simply no such thing as a Jewish problem
for the president. The people who only vote on Israel didn't vote for
Obama last time and know who they are voting for already."
In
other words, Obama has given up on the pro- Israel vote. He's going for
the anti-Israel vote and the indifferent-to-Israel vote. True, Obama
outrageously markets his anti-Israel platform as pro- Israel. For
instance, J Street attack ads on pro-Israel Congressmen West and Walsh
present them preposterously as "anti-Israel."
So,
too, Friedman and Rothkopf write that by supporting Israel, Romney is
harming Israel, because it is Israel's vital interest to be
diplomatically coerced into surrendering to its Palestinian enemies.
Although
this seems merely ridiculous, it is actually insidious. These arguments
are implicit messages to three groups. For out-and-out anti-Semites,
they reinforce the paranoid belief that Jews and Israel are so powerful
that even the president is afraid to openly say what he thinks about us.
For
socially conscious Israel-haters, the messaging enables them to
continue bashing Israel without fear that they will be accused of being
anti-Semites.
And for American Jews who are
indifferent to Israel, the messages give them cover to vote for Obama
without having to admit that they couldn't care less about Israel.
Obama's
reelection campaign strategy has mystified many observers. Why, they
wonder, is he playing to his base instead of moving to the Center? Like
his attacks on free enterprise and Catholics, his attacks on Israel seem
to indicate that he doesn't care about getting reelected.
But
this is not the case. Evidently, Obama's campaign strategy is to
conduct multiple micro-campaigns rather than one national campaign.
Apparently his data indicate that he will win or lose the election
depending on how a few key districts in swing states vote. Based on
these data, his campaign strategists have plainly concluded that some of
these decisive districts are populated by anti- Semites, Israel-haters
and indifferent Jews for whom his absurdly marketed anti-Israel
positions resonate.
Aside from that, these
positions clearly resonate with him. Consequently, they will certainly
form the basis for his policy towards Israel if he wins a second term in
office.
Originally published in The Jerusalem Post.
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