The Middle East peace process seems all but doomed. Although U.S. President
Barack Obama
said he remained "convinced" it could still succeed when he met
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas this week, Secretary of State John Kerry has said trust between the Israelis and the Palestinians has reached a "nadir."
David
Cameron visited Jerusalem and Bethlehem last week, his first visit to
the Israel-Palestine region after four years as British Prime Minister.
His government has kept the Middle East at arm's length. It is Secretary
Kerry who has made all the running in this latest peace process,
endlessly shuttling between the two sides.
Ostensibly,
both the U.S. and the U.K. are urging both sides equally to take "tough
political risks," as Mr. Obama put it, for peace. Alas, such
exhortations seem to elicit merely disdain from both Jews and Arabs.
A
poll by the Israel Democracy Institute and Tel Aviv University revealed
last week that 64% of Israelis do not trust Mr. Kerry to treat Israel's
security as a "crucial factor" in the framework peace proposal, while
some 53% of Israeli Arabs don't trust him either.
Both the U.S. and Britain present themselves as Israel's candid friends. Israel doesn't quite see it like that.
Benjamin Netanyahu (left) with Barack Obama.
saul loeb/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
For all his well-received remarks in
the Knesset, where he declared his "unbreakable" belief in Israel and
"rock solid" commitment to its security, Mr. Cameron's government is
widely viewed there with suspicion. Last year, the U.K. played a key
role in the EU's provocative decision to label goods made in the
disputed territories, and even issued an explicit warning to British
companies over the risks of doing business there—initiatives the
Israelis regarded as gratuitous acts of aggression.
More
important, there is also deep shock within Israel at what it sees as
bullying by the U.S. When President Obama met Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu
earlier this month, he issued a veiled threat that if Israel did
not accept the Kerry framework, the U.S. would no longer defend Israel
against its enemies at the U.N. and elsewhere. This followed Mr. Kerry's
remark last year that if Israel stymied the peace process, it might
soon be facing an international delegitimization campaign "on steroids."
In
Israel, there is bewilderment that it alone is being held responsible
for the absence of peace. After all, while Mr. Netanyahu has accepted
the prospect of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, Mr. Abbas has said
repeatedly that the Palestinians will never accept that Israel is a
Jewish state.
He also continues to
insist on the right of every Palestinian "refugee" to immigrate not just
to Palestine but also to Israel, which would destroy it as the Jewish
national home.
In addition, despite
President Obama's statement this week that Mr. Abbas has "consistently
renounced violence," the Palestinian Authority continues to incite
hatred against Israel through its educational materials and
regime-controlled media, and permits and glorifies acts of terrorism by
the al Aqsa brigades and others.
Yet the
U.S. and U.K. hold only Israel's feet to the fire. Why? An important
part of the answer lies in the inherent nature of the "peace process"
itself.
This rests on two premises. The
first is the Western fallacy that everyone in the world is governed by
reason and material self-interest, whereas in fact some have
non-negotiable agendas. The second is the current liberal belief that
trans-national instruments such as international law can transcend the
grievances of nation states.
War thus becomes a primitive throwback. It must be replaced by conflict resolution, negotiation and the "peace process."
This
then becomes a deeply problematic end in itself. Based on an amoral
equivalence in such negotiations between aggressor and victim, the peace
process has to be kept going at all costs if war is to be avoided.
That
means ignoring the fact that the aggressor in the dispute may still be
violent or threatening. For if that is acknowledged, the "peace process"
becomes something unconscionable: an enforced surrender to violence.
If
the victims protest at this free pass to murderous aggression and
refuse to submit, it is they who get the blame for derailing the peace
process. That process is therefore innately inimical to justice, and
biased in favor of the aggressor in a conflict.
This
is what happened in the Northern Ireland peace process. Widely viewed
as a triumph in creating a power-sharing administration between the
hitherto warring Catholic Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the Protestant
Unionists, this is the template for the Middle East negotiations and
Mr. Kerry's last stand.
The U.K.
government first under John Major and then Tony Blair is credited with
having turned IRA terrorists into statesmen by bringing them into this
peace process. In fact, the IRA came in only because they were in effect
beaten by the British army and British intelligence. They realized they
could never win by military means. So they put their weapons "beyond
use" and were given a share in the government of the province.
But
to keep the peace process on track, the Unionists were denied knowledge
of certain facts, such as deals being made to not prosecute IRA
terrorists. When these secret deals recently became public, Mr. Cameron
had to move swiftly to stop the Unionists from destroying Northern
Ireland's power-sharing administration, which brought the risk of a
return of IRA terrorism.
Not so much a
true peaceful democracy, therefore, as an institutionalized protection
racket. For Northern Ireland, the peace process was a Faustian pact in
one U.K. province. For Israel, the stakes are rather higher.
Clarification
This article has been updated to clarify that David Cameron's recent visit to Jerusalem and Bethlehem was his first trip to the Israel-Palestine region as British Prime Minister, not his first visit to the broader Middle East.
This article has been updated to clarify that David Cameron's recent visit to Jerusalem and Bethlehem was his first trip to the Israel-Palestine region as British Prime Minister, not his first visit to the broader Middle East.
Ms. Phillips is a columnist and author. Her e-book, "Guardian Angel," can be downloaded from www.embooks.com or Amazon.
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