Israel charges Hamas manipulates casualty figures in quest for world sympathy
by Felice Friedson, The Media Line
Palestinians
mourn next to the grave of a relative in Beit Lahiyah in the northern
Gaza Strip on July 28. Photo by Suhaib Salem/Reuters
This story originally appeared on themedialine.org.
The latest round of
fighting between Israel and Hamas extends far beyond the urban warfare
playing out in the cities and towns of the Gaza Strip; the Israeli
cities targeted by waves of Palestinian rockets; and the
seek-and-destroy mission of locating and eradicating the elaborate and
intricate network of tunnels revealed to extend deep into Israeli
territory and beneath southern Israeli communities.
Beyond the shooting war,
there is a war of images seeking to justify the actions of the players
in the eyes of the world. To accomplish this, Hamas seeks to create the
belief that most – more than 80% -- of the 1,137 Palestinians who died
during the first two weeks of fighting are noncombatant women and
children --read innocent victims of outrageous Israeli aggression.
Israel, on the other hand, asserts that the process of identifying the
dead is manipulated in order to predetermine the conclusion that Israel
has relentlessly slaughtered innocents rather than admit the obvious use
of civilian human shields and the commensurate benefits to the Hamas
narrative of a high body count.
First and foremost for
Israel is that the international community understand who it has
targeted and accept its assertion that the casualty list contains a
significantly higher percentage of adult male combatants than women and
children.
Reuven Ehrilch of the
Meir Amit Intelligence and Information Center, an Israeli think tank,
told The Media Line that its comparison study of the names of the
Palestinians killed in Operation Protective Edge and the relationship
between terror groups and uninvolved citizens revealed that out of 152
names checked, 71 were identified as terror agents and 81 were
uninvolved citizens. According to Ehrlich, the Hamas-controlled interior
ministry has ordered social networking done in the Gaza Strip to
describe every Palestinian who died as an “innocent civilian.”
The group worked from a
list compiled and supplied by the Gaza government’s Ministry of Health, a
list fraught with problems and inaccuracies according to Ehrlich. “The
list was done hastily and later changes were made. There were a number
of false names listed; the details of the dead are only partial, making
identification suspicious. There are names used more than once and some
might have been killed by their own fire rather than by the Israeli
army. The list doesn’t differentiate between civilians and terror
operatives. All the dead are listed as “shahids” [martyrs].
The list propagated by
the Hamas-controlled Gaza ministries is not necessarily in synch with
the one being compiled by a United Nations agency. A spokesperson from
the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OSHA) who spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not
authorized to speak to the media, told The Media Line that as of the
morning of July 29, 1,109 Palestinians, including at least 821 civilians
(of whom were 239 children, and 124 women), 179 fighters and 109 with
status undetermined, have been killed since the start of hostilities on
July 7.
The spokesperson
explained that “the Protection Cluster collects and verifies information
regarding fatalities in Gaza, and these preliminary figures are used by
the humanitarian community in situation reports. In terms of
methodology, the UN Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights (as
Protection Cluster lead) compiles initial reports of fatalities from the
media and other sources, and works with Palestinian and Israeli human
rights organizations to cross-check and verify these reports, and
whether the individuals are civilians or combatants. Fatality figures
are only included once they have been corroborated by more than one
organization.”
Israeli officials
believe the problems with the list are not accidental or coincidental.
Ehrlich charges that the list is intended to serve as evidence that
“Israel is slaughtering civilians to create a structure of facts for
Hamas’s foreign policy and to lay the foundation for legal actions Hamas
intends to use against Israel ‘the day after’ Operation Protective
Shield” is concluded.
Ehrlich alleges
that a pattern of double identification that surfaced among a number of
the names checked means the individuals were simultaneously operatives
of terrorist organizations and on active duty with the Palestinian
security forces in the Gaza Strip.
In six cases, names
identified were part of the Al-Azzadin Al-Qassam military wing of Hamas;
while three were serving in the national security force of the
Palestinian Ministry of Interior and three served in the police. Upon
their deaths, each organization issued a separate eulogy poster for its
fallen member.
Two main organizations
are fighting against the Israelis: Hamas, which was elected to control
the Gaza Strip in 2006, through its so-called military wing known as the
Al-Qassam Brigades; and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), through
its the Al-Quds Birgades. Both are guerilla-like armies that
participated in the previous rounds of fighting against Israel in 2009
and 2012.
The Israeli military is
just beginning to release information about those it’s killed. Through
21 days of war, Israel’s strongest blow to PIJ was the assassination of
Salah Abu Hassanein, commander of its Military Media Division. Hassanein
oversaw Islamic Jihad’s psychological warfare targeting the Israeli
people and Gazans alike. A frequent interviewee since the Second
Intifada that began in 2000, Hassanein’s face and voice were familiar to
Gaza’s residents as was his message encouraging armed conflict with the
Jewish state.
The Israeli army also
killed PIJ’s regional commanders who controlled the northern and central
sectors of the Gaza Strip, as well as Shaaban Dakhdoukh, commander of
the forces in Zeitoun, who worked on burying long-range rockets and
helped to smuggle weapons for his forces.
Mahmoud Sinwar directed
military activities, including rocket fire and was involved in the
creation of attack tunnels into Israeli territory and the raid in which
soldier Gilad Shalit was captured.
The Israeli command
believes it has inflicted heavy losses on Hamas’s Al-Qassam Brigades,
the full extent though not yet known because many of fighters’ bodies
are believed to be buried beneath tons of rubble of destroyed tunnels
they had been hiding in.
Mohammad Shaaban,
commander of Al-Qassam’s naval force, was targeted and killed along with
3 other people while driving his car in Gaza City. Shaaban was behind
Hamas’ increasing attempts to infiltrate into Israel from the sea in
order to conduct mass killings in Israeli coastal communities. In fact,
such an attempt was thwarted on the day of his killing, when 5
terrorists were intercepted by the army when they emerged onto the beach
at Kibbutz Zikim where they were spotted by soldiers and killed.
Also dead in a targeted
assassination is Osama Al-Hayyah, who commanded Al-Qassam’s forces in
Shaja'iah, the site of one of the earliest and fiercest battles of the
Israeli operation. Al-Hayyah is the eldest son of Dr. Khalil Al-Hayya, a
Hamas member of the Palestinian Legislative Council and a founding
member of Hamas.
Not all attempts at
targeted killings have succeeded. One example is Ayman Siam, head of
Hamas’ rocket unit, who was injured but escaped death.
Asaf Zilberfarb contributed research for this article.
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