Sultan Knish
There was a temporary interval in American life when a shooting spree by
a madman would have been viewed as the crime of one man. The dead would
have been mourned. The killer, if he had been taken alive, would have
been punished, and while the memorial might have been accompanied by
some leading sermons, the country would have been spared the media
exploitation and blame-a-thon that invariably follows such events.
The trouble is that there are no more individuals. Or rather the
individual is no longer recognized as having any standing. "All private
plans, all private lives, have been in a sense repealed by an overriding
public danger," Roosevelt declared in 1940 to the Democratic National
Convention And the repeal never seems to have been repealed. Instead
all private plans and private lives are being constantly repealed by a
turmoil of overriding public dangers, most of them sociological in
nature.
A shooting takes place and the media urges that millions of firearms be
confiscated. Every crisis requires that more freedoms be sacrificed for
that overriding public danger that the talking heads are screaming about
this week over news feeds from every corner of the globe. There are no
more private lives. Only public ones. Everyone will sooner or later pass
before the camera and be judged by millions of strangers in a narrative
that will transform him or her into a hero or villain in the great
social struggle against the public danger of the day.
Calling Adam Lanza a madman has little meaning now. The madman retreats
to a private world of his own making. But the collective culture does
not recognize madness as a detachment from the crowd. Instead it views
it as yet another social malady to be solved. Re-open the asylums.
Provide more mental health funding. Open hotlines for anyone with
suicidal thoughts. Social solutions for a social society coping with the
anti-social.
But even our madmen are public figures now. Cut off from the collective
culture by their minds, they still strive to connect to its most
fundamental value. Fame.
America's spree killers don't drive pickup trucks with gun racks. They
aren't NRA members and have never opened a bible. They are young,
mentally ill and famous. They are exactly like the real and fake
celebrities who crowd magazine covers, television screens and
paparazzi-choked premieres. But they can't sing or dance, and have no
unique way to embarrass themselves into staged fame. Instead they kill
their way to being famous.
As schizophrenic as our shooters were, as unable to connect to the
groupthink of the larger culture, they understood the one thing that we
valued. And they got it in a brute force way. They became what every
girl with dyed blonde hair waiting on line to impress the judges of
television's dueling singing competitions, every waiter with sunglasses
waiting to become a movie star on Rodeo Drive, every "internet
personality" leaning precariously over a webcam on YouTube, every kid
trying out rhymes on his friends and building a fake biography of all
the people he shot in drug deals gone bad, want to be. Famous.
In mass culture, fame is the only oxygen of the individual. It is the
only thing that distinguishes the vanishing individual from the herd.
The celebrity is to 21st Century America as the general, the writer, the
poet, the politician and the genius were to former eras. All these
things and many more have been distilled down to the simple status of
celebrity. You are either famous or you aren't. You either have a
private life that everyone knows about or your private life has already
been repealed by the overriding public dangers of cow farts, racism and
large sodas. You are either a slave to the public or just a public
slave.
A culture of crowds makes crazy people even crazier. There's nothing for
paranoia like a major city and these days we all live in the major city
of a culture that is crowded in even its most rural areas. Crowd
culture expects everyone to follow the leader, to join the meme, to move
with the flow, but that is something that crazy people cannot do. The
madman is always out of step and out of sync, the paranoid schizophrenic
occasionally makes a compelling leader, but he is unable to be a
follower.
Madness can at its simplest be viewed as the gap between his thinking
and our own. Like cultural differences, it often explodes into violence,
but unlike cultural differences it cannot be bridged because there is
no common language. The madman is a member of a unique culture of one.
He is a citizen of himself. He has his own laws, his own values and even
his own mental language. And it is one that no sane person will ever
understand.
The madman is the ultimate individual dying in his own private
rebellions that mean nothing to anyone else. A sane society may lock him
up, it may crudely tinker with his brain chemistry or even carve up his
gray matter, but it will never truly make him one with the group. And
our society, addled by nearly as many drugs as your average madman, is a
long way from sane. It flirts with madness in its aimless attempts at
reestablishing the place of the individual in a collectivist culture,
and it veers recklessly from sympathizing with violence to pretending
not to understand where violence comes from. It's the feigned innocence
of those who are just jaded enough not to want to know how jaded they
have truly become.
If the madman has lost the ability to speak to the crowd, the crowd has
equally lost the ability to speak to the individual. The madman suffers
from a defective mental vocabulary and the mad society has lost the
ability to formulate concepts relating to individual behavior.
In our society the individual is always seen as putting on a public
performance of accepting or rejecting group values. All private lives
become a public competition to see who recycles the most, is the least
racist, the most giving and the best example of what a cog in the great
social machine should be. Every individual act is a commentary, not
ultimately on the individual, but on the social machine. Crime is no
longer a private act, but a public one, that emerges out of social
factors such as the poverty rate, race relations, the availability of
firearms, cold medication in pharmacies and the amount of funding for
midnight basketball, outpatient mental health therapy and a thousand
others.
All private plans are a public danger. All individual acts are really
collective acts. There is no "I" in individual. There is only the crowd,
its avatars who live out their fantasies and entertain them, and the
masses shuffling off toward their daily labors until they are released
from the grind and allowed a few hours to entertain themselves watching
their avatars live a public show of private life.
How does one speak of individual responsibility to such people and how
can they be expected to distinguish individualism from madness? The ant
hive cannot be expected to think of the ant. It cannot understand
anthood apart from the hive.
The Blame-a-Thon continues. Blaming Adam Lanza for his own actions is
insufficient. Even blaming his dead mother is insufficient. Individuals
do not matter. Only groups do. Corporations. The NRA. The Tea Party.
Private tragedy becomes a political event complete with campaign
speeches and fundraising letters. Organizations converge. New offices
are opened and phone lines are installed. Press conferences are given.
"This is a wake up call. A call for action. It's time we did something."
Within an hour, the responsibility is transferred from a killer to the
society at large and then to the groups that do not share the values of
the new collectivist society. War is declared. Press releases are faxed.
Letters are sent out. "We need your help, Michael." "Stand with us,
Susan." The dead are buried and their bodies are used to make the mulch
of a new wave of political repression and profiteering. The dead, like
singing competition contestants, are ultimately disposable, as are their
killers. It is the producers and the judges who endure.
Each call to action is signed with the promise, "So that this will never
have happen again." That is the sociological siren song of the crowd.
The promise of a powerful government safety net that will keep every
terrible thing from ever happening a second time. But there is no net
that madmen cannot slip through when they choose to. It is possible to
repeal the private lives and private plans of all gun owners, but not
the private lives and plans of madmen who are not peninsulas, but
islands in the stream, who do not care about laws, regulations and
expectations. Broken men looking to break.
There is more danger than safety in the crowd. Not only can the crowd
not deter a madman, for the same reason that Kitty Genovese bled to
death lay dying for an hour, but the crowd is also mad. It is a madness
that is harder to detect because it is the madness of a crowd. The
individual irrationality of a madman is detectable by outsiders, because
of its conflict with the group reality, and even to the person of the
madman by that same conflict, which fuels his paranoia toward the
outside world, but the group cannot detect its own irrationality and is
too large and pervasive for its irrationality to be recognized on the
outside.
Our crowd is not yet as collectively insane as Adam Lanza, but it's
getting there. And it will not be pretty when it does. The madness of
crowds is not a pretty thing. It can be seen in the hysterical crowds
that greeted Hitler or the equally hysterical crowds swooning at the
sight of a celebrity. Individual madness is flawed chemistry, but crowd
madness is a will to madness, a raving desire to be one with the
collective view, to be famous or almost famous, to exchange reason for
sensation and individuality for the group immortality of the group.
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