At first glance,
electoral and governmental reform may not sound like the sexiest topic
around, but on deeper reflection, it is one of the most pressing
concerns facing Israel at this time.
When it boils down to
it, every significant policy decision affecting the citizens of Israel —
whether it is the conflict with the Palestinians or domestic
socio-economic issues — is made in the Knesset, the heart and soul of
Israel’s democracy.
At the outset, we must
be clear: Israel has one of the most vibrant and flourishing democracies
in the world. In one month we will go to the polls to freely elect a
new government, with a plethora of candidates from every political
persuasion and without fear or intimidation. Our neighbors from across
the Arab Middle East are fighting, and dying, for this very same right.
Yet for all its
virtues, Israel’s electoral and governmental system is also horribly
dysfunctional and a prime reason for the political paralysis we find
ourselves in all too often.
Knesset elections, for
example, are supposed to be held every four years. However, since the
founding of the state, we have replaced our government, on average,
every two years. The rotation time for some cabinet ministers,
especially defense, foreign affairs and education, is even worse,
evoking a game of musical chairs.
Israel’s electoral
system, which is based on nationwide proportional representation, also
has one of the lowest electoral thresholds in the world, at 2 percent.
The average for major democracies is 4-5%. As a result, smaller
single-issue parties, including (but not limited to) the ultra-Orthodox,
wield a disproportionate amount of power, holding the majority of the
country to ransom. Amendment of the Tal Law (which exempted the
ultra-Orthodox from mandatory military service) is perhaps the biggest
casualty of this policy.
The low electoral
threshold is also a major reason why, since the founding of the state,
the power of every Israeli government has been dependent on assembling,
and maintaining, fragile coalitions. With the shadow of elections always
lurking, it is incredibly difficult to formulate and implement
effective long-term policies when the main priority is keeping your
coalition together.
In the current
government, we also have the absurd situation where the key portfolios
of prime minister, defense minister, foreign affairs minister and
interior minister are all held by members of different parties. This is a
recipe for disaster. When senior members of the cabinet make public
statements, they often contradict the official government position. This
is nowhere more destructive than on matters relating to national
security.
But a host of other
root causes also go to the heart of the systematic deficiencies with our
electoral and governmental system, including:
— A lack of
accountability, with individual Knesset members elected based on their
position on a party list and not directly by the constituents.
— Insufficient
separation of powers between the various government branches, which
results in a lack of checks and balances and the absurdity of having MKs
as part of the very legislature tasked with overseeing their own
performance.
— Cabinet ministers appointed on the basis of back-room coalition deals, instead of on their skills and expertise in the field.
There are many other examples, far too many to count.
I don’t propose at this
stage to offer a solution or alternative. Suffice to say, there are
elements of both the current American and the British Westminster
systems of government that are applicable and should be considered for
Israel.
Simply put, we need a
more stable system of government that is more accountable and
representative and that has sufficient checks and balances, while
remaining free, open and robust.
What is necessary at
this critical juncture is not to propose a specific alternative but to
engage in a nationwide grassroots campaign to highlight the importance
of change and raise our politicians’ awareness of the issue.
Of all the major
political parties, only Yisrael Beytenu has consistently made electoral
reform a priority issue, repeatedly calling on the other major parties
to put their egos aside and unite for the national good to reform the
electoral system. Until now that call has fallen on deaf ears, but it
was one of the main reasons behind Yisrael Beytenu's and Likud's
decision to run on a joint ticket in the coming elections.
Israel’s current system
of government may have been appropriate in 1948, when the state was
founded. But it is long past its use-by date.
Yes, we continue to
produce stunning achievements, but this is despite and not because of
the current system, which is only hampering further growth, development
and good governance.
With Iran and a host of
national security threats looming ever more strongly on the horizon and
increasing demand for social and economic change at home, the time for
electoral reform is now.
Arsen Ostrovsky is an
international human rights lawyer and freelance journalist. He has also
previously practiced constitutional law in Australia.
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