Fabricating Palestinian History
The vast literature proving the historic
Jewish connection to the Land of Israel has been extensively manipulated
and distorted as part of the Palestinian politics of nationalism.
Propaganda, indoctrination, and socialization, both domestically and
internationally, are essential parts of the strategy and tactics of
asserting Palestinian nationhood and statehood. By appropriating to
themselves the values, traditions, and historical facts that belong to
the Jews, Palestinians have managed to fabricate a "legitimate" history
and political traditions out of nothing while denying those of Israel.
The Palestinian Nation-building Strategy
A Palestinian flag emblazoned with "Jesus."
Not even Jesus's origin as a Jew is safe from the Palestinian
fabrication of their history. While Jesus was certainly viewed for
centuries as a Muslim prophet (along with Abraham and Moses), only
recently has he become a model Palestinian shahid, a martyr to their cause.
|
Palestinian tactics are simple yet
sophisticated: preaching and dispersing lies and distortions of reality.
History proves that the bigger the lie and the more common its
reiteration, the more it is accepted as authentic and genuine. Moreover,
most people are unwilling to accept the idea that an entire national
leadership would dare to totally distort and fabricate history in full.
Part of the Palestinians' success in doing so is also due to the fact
that most people do not know the history of the Land of Israel and of
Jerusalem.
Usurping the Jewish, Biblical, and Christian Pasts
Rewriting the history of the Land of Israel
by erasing Jewish history and replacing it with a fabricated
Palestinian history is a central goal of the Palestinian Authority (PA)
and something that the early generations of Palestinian leaders,
including the notorious Hajj Amin Husseini, who led the Palestinian
Arabs to their 1948 defeat, dared not do. This fictitious history, which
ignores all historical documentation and established historical
methods, is based on systematic distortions of both ancient and modern
history with the aim of denying Israel's right to exist.
The Palestinian leaders claim lineage from ancient history, describing the Canaanites as their direct ancestors.[1]
In the words of the PA president Mahmoud Abbas: "We said to him
[Netanyahu], when he claimed the Jews have a historical right dating
back to 3000 years B.C.E., we say that the nation of Palestine upon the
land of Canaan had a 7,000-year history. This is the truth that must be
said: Netanyahu, you are incidental in history. We are the people of
history. We are the owners of history."[2]
According to Palestinian Authority
historians, the Palestinian people has been living in Palestine for over
seven thousand years.[3] Another claim states that Palestinians were in the land since the beginning of creation.[4]
According to Sheikh Ikrima Sabri, chairman of the Supreme Islamic
Council of the Palestinian Authority, Palestinians have roots in this
land originating from earlier than 7500 B.C.E.[5] Arab villages have allegedly existed since the days of the Canaanites.[6]
The "Arab" Canaanites supposedly established ports on the coast of
Canaan, known today as Palestine, and Jaffa is said to have been one of
the cities whose Canaanite origins later invaders failed to erase.[7] Overall, the Palestinian people claim to be rooted in the region for thousands of years and long before Israel.[8]
According to this argument, some 6,000
years ago, the Palestinians of Canaan created a great civilization that,
like the sun, was producing light and shining it on human beings as the
Islamic religious basis of the world.[9]
Palestinian scholars and media have touted the claim that the
Palestinian Arab nation has been rooted in its land for thousands of
years since the human settlement of the "Arab-Palestinian-Canaanite"
city of Jericho—the oldest city in the history of human civilization. In
their claim, the history and heritage of Jericho confirm the
Arab-Palestinian-Canaanite narrative concerning the entire Palestinian
land, from the sea to the river, and negate the false Zionist narrative.
Jericho allegedly proves that the Palestinian nation is the most
ancient and earliest of all, whose roots are the most deeply dug into
history.[10]
Palestinians also declared themselves to
have been the center of historical events and peoples found in the Bible
in the form of the Edomites, Amorites, Midianites, Amalekites, Ibrahim
bin Azar (biblical Abraham), and al-Khadir (Prophet Elijah).[11]
In the view of the Palestinian ambassador to India, Adli Sadeq, to
ignore the existence of the Palestinian people and its rights reflects a
logic that mocks intelligence, culture, and the Bible itself, in which
Palestine and its people are mentioned more than 250 times.[12]
Of course, the term Palestine appears nowhere in the Bible. The
assertion that the Palestinians are descended from the biblical
Jebusites, who, according to the Bible, were the original inhabitants of
Jerusalem, has also been frequently made.[13]
To claim that Palestinians are the original
inhabitants of the Land of Israel not only goes against secular history
and scientific knowledge, but it also flies in the face of Islamic
religious history. Not only do the Islamic scriptures recognize the
unique Jewish claims to the Land of Israel, but there is no reference
whatsoever to any Palestinian people dwelling on any land called Filastin during any part of Islamic history until the twentieth century. The term Jund Filastin
was used to describe a military district of the Umayyad and Abbasid
caliphates and had no ethnic or national significance until the
twentieth century.
The Qur'an declares that the Jews are the chosen people, exalted among the nations of the world.[14] It clearly declares the Jews (Bani Israil) as the only owners of the Land of Israel, which is al-Ard al-Muqaddasah; al-Ard al-Mubarakah; Ard Bani Israil
(the sacred land; the blessed land; the land of the People of Israel),
and they are not allowed to leave it, for otherwise they will be
punished:[15] "It is the promise of God, and God does not go back on his promise."[16] The Qur'an goes on to acknowledge that the Jewish first and second kingdoms existed but states that they were punished by God.[17]
Arab ownership of Palestine is also critically connected to exegesis on
the Qur'anic description of Muhammad's Night Journey from Mecca to the
"furthest mosque," which is juxtaposed with a verse on the destroyed
Temple of the Israelites.[18]
The existence of that temple, however, though it had been acknowledged
by officials of the Islamic religious endowment authority (waqf ) in their publicity materials from the 1920s and 1950s,[19] was famously denied by Arafat in an exchange with U.S. president Bill Clinton.[20]
Another Palestinian tactic is aimed at
co-opting Christianity. For the PA leaders, Jesus is defined as a
Palestinian who preached Islam, thus denying not only Jewish history and
Christian legitimacy but also strengthening ancient Palestinian
history. According to this narrative, Jesus was a Muslim prophet,[21] like all other Jewish-born figures,[22] who was born in Bethlehem, lived in Nazareth, and moved to Jerusalem.[23] Therefore, Jesus the messiah is a Palestinian par excellence, the son of Mary the Palestinian.[24] The Virgin Mary, the woman of love and peace, is of the nation of Palestine, whose roots are grounded in the depths of history.[25] Jesus is a shahid, a holy martyr of Islam, the only Palestinian prophet, and the first Palestinian shahid who was tortured in this land.[26]
Denying the Jewish Connection
In the official Palestinian narrative, the
Palestinian people are authentic and indigenous while it is the Israelis
who are the foreigners, invented, and sown in a land that is not
theirs.[27]
According to Nabil Alqam, a PA historian, the Israeli state concerns
itself with cultural theft and with stealing, distorting, and erasing
the Palestinian heritage, which has a historical depth of 4,000 to 5,000
years. The state of Israel attempts to steal Palestinian symbols and to
create a fake Israeli identity.[28] In his book, Jerusalem, City of Allah,
Yunes Amr, president of the al-Quds Open University, claims to disprove
all Israeli connections and the history of the Jewish presence in
Palestine, both historically and linguistically, by exposing the
falsification of facts and affirming that the Palestinians are Arab
Canaanites indigenous to the land.[29]
Throughout Palestinian media and education,
all Israeli cities and areas are featured as Palestinian in origin,
including Haifa, Acre, Ashkelon, Jaffa, Safed, Tiberias, Tel Aviv,
Nazareth, the Sea of Galilee, Kiryat Shmonah, and the Negev. These are
the "Palestinian homeland" or "occupied Palestine."[30]
Instilling these assertions and psychological worldview as facts among
youth and in the political arena requires a multilevel process of
socialization and indoctrination, beginning with the education system.
Reinforcement is constant and all-pervasive: Palestine is continually
represented as an area of 27,000 sq km, and an overwhelming Palestinian
majority believes this is the truth.[31]
The Palestinians also portray Israelis of
today as having no genetic, religious, cultural, or historical
connections to the Jews of the past, who are supposed to have
disappeared long ago. Issam Sissalem of the Islamic University in Gaza
further claims that the biblical Hebrew tribes were in fact Bedouin. As
such they were Arab tribes, and there is no connection between them and
today's Israeli Jews, who are the descendents of Eurasian Khazars who
converted to Judaism. The original Hebrew tribes were erased and ceased
to exist, leaving no traces.[32]
Likewise, Jarir al-Qudwa, once educational advisor to Arafat, holds
that the Israelites of the Bible were not only Arab tribes but were
among the purest. Fathi Buzia, a PA political commentator, argues that
Europe, led by Britain, founded Israel, creating and implanting a
thieving, fabricated entity upon the Palestinian land, in order to get
rid of Jews at home.[33]
Israelis are described as religious groups
of imposters who were never Jews but part of a Zionist plot to occupy
Palestinian lands and steal the Palestinian identity and cultural
heritage. This is derided as the greatest crime ever committed against
humanity with the aim of the Judaization of Palestine.[34] Even the Hebrew language is said to be stolen from Palestinian Aramaic.[35]
The Israeli state creates "false names" for sites to "erase the
Palestinian facts." It steals everything it lays its hands on "by means
of terror," including music, food, clothing, and folk traditions, even
falafel and humus.[36] All the territory held by the state of Israel is occupied, and the Palestinians will not compromise on it.[37]
In the light of this, Palestinian
commentators demand that Zionists must acknowledge publicly before the
world that Jews have no connection to Palestinian Arab land. Zionist
history is nothing more than invention and falsification, constituting a
crude form of colonialism.[38]
Zionists are trying to create a fake history at the expense of a real
Palestinian history so as to steal the history and the culture of the
Palestinians.[39]
The Palestinian "Nation's" Modern Foundations
The alleged Zionist process of theft and
usurpation is, in fact, precisely the official Palestinian policy toward
Jewish history.
The paradoxical fact is that Palestinian nationalism effectively owes its creation to Zionism, the Jewish national movement.[40]
Stimulated partially by the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and
the search for Arab national identities, the main lines of Palestinian
nationalism developed during the 1920s and 1930s in reaction to and in
contrast with Zionism.
Though Palestinians claim descent from
Canaanites, the fact is that there has never been any historical
Palestinian state, nor any indigenous political system and institutions.
The Land of Israel witnessed many conquerors over the course of its
history, but in the last two thousand years since most of the people of
Israel went into exile—albeit not without leaving an uninterrupted
presence in the land—it was not the home of any indigenous political
entity. Not only has there never been a Palestinian state and a
Palestinian people, but there were no other political entities besides
those established by invading forces, such as the crusading statelets or
district capitals created by Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs.
Most of the population now known as
Palestinian descended from migrants originating from the surrounding
Arab countries and from local Bedouins. Many migrated in waves from the
middle of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century.
Others were imported by the Ottoman Empire and by the British for
infrastructure and agricultural projects, or migrated to the region
following Zionist economic success, which produced a staggering
population growth.[41]
Palestinians are perhaps the newest of all peoples, comprising many
scattered groups. In fact, in origin they are more Egyptian, Syrian,
Jordanian, Lebanese, and mainly Bedouin, than Palestinian.
Perhaps the most conspicuous fact regarding
the novelty of the Palestinian nation is that when it was within their
power, the Arab leaders never seriously sought to create a Palestinian
state during the 1940s, and after the establishment of the State of
Israel, from 1948 until 1967, when the West Bank and Gaza were under
Egyptian and Jordanian direct rule. Moreover, during that time all Arab
leaders referred to the Palestinian issue as a refugee problem. They did
not call for the creation of a Palestinian state for the Palestinian
nation. Even after the 1967 Six-Day War, United Nations Resolution 242
of November 22, 1967, mentions only "refugees," not even "Arab
refugees"—let alone a Palestinian people and a Palestinian state.[42]
Calls in earnest for a Palestinian state did not begin in the United
Nations or elsewhere until the late 1960s or the early 1970s.[43]
Even today, as all Arab states pay lip
service to the idea of a Palestinian state, and Palestinian leaders are
treated as equals by their Arab counterparts, it is far from clear that a
Palestinian state is a real priority. If the Palestinians are a people
today, they are indeed a new invention. However, do they deserve a
state? Establishment of a Palestinian state would rightly open the
floodgates for the creation of numerous states based on both new and old
national identities. The Kurds and the Berbers, for example, have lived
for centuries in the Middle East. They are distinct and ancient peoples
that were not invented in the full light of history, but unfortunately,
their existence does not translate automatically into statehood. If it
did, such a process of granting statehood to all peoples would begin to
unravel the fabric of the modern Arab world. Arab leaders, especially
under pressure from the Arab upheavals of 2011 show no enthusiasm for
this.
What Do Palestinians Want?
The important question is what Palestinians
really want. What are the Palestinians' political objectives, and how
do they wish to realize them? All their leaders' declarations and
policies clearly show that they have never moderated their primary
objective, which is to eliminate the State of Israel. From the Abadan
("never") rhetoric of the 1920s through 1948 to Arafat's "phased
strategy," adopted at the June 1974 Palestinian National Congress,[44]
Palestinians still lay claim to a land "from the river to the sea."
Palestinians appear unwilling to compromise, to recognize Israel as a
Jewish state, or to accept an Israeli state on any territory they call Filastin.
It is also evident that Palestinian
political evolution is closely tied to Israel's territorial and
political development in two continuous phases. The first emerged after
Israel's independence in 1948 and differentiated the Palestinians as a
social group of Arab refugees, also called "Palestine Arabs," and
lacking obvious cultural, social, or political characteristics that
distinguished them from their Arab kin, who largely reviled them. The
second phase developed after the 1967 Six-Day War; Palestinians then
became a political group seeking to develop a national identity during
the period of global anti-imperial and anti-colonial ferment. But even
as a Palestinian national identity has been developed and marketed, it
is overwhelmingly founded on the negation of its rival, namely Jewish
and Israeli identity, rather than on positive attributes or real
history.
Given this, how have Palestinians been so
successful in disseminating their message in the international arena?
What brings them the overwhelming political and financial support at the
expense of so many nations and other peoples, such as the Kurds and the
Berbers, who are denied the chance to establish a state?[45]
Part of the answer is perhaps the
Palestinians' sophisticated ploy of telling all players what they want
to hear. In the international arena, the Palestinians emphasize the
ideologies of post-colonialism, post-modernism, and multiculturalism.
They depict themselves as the victims of colonial Zionism that has
stolen their land and express the wish to establish Palestine as a small
or even a multicultural state.[46]
In Europe, where there is a high level of guilt and remorse about its
own colonialist past, the Palestinians depict Israel as the last remnant
of the bygone European colonialist era and directly blame Europe for
the creation of the Jewish state.[47]
Israel is accused of occupying the land that belongs solely to the
Palestinian people, and worse, Israel is accused of perpetuating Nazi
methods and committing genocide against the Palestinians.[48]
These Palestinian accusations are supported by European intellectuals
and leftists who feel remorse about the colonial era and who do not wish
to be reminded any further about the Nazi atrocities.
In the United States, where many feel guilt
and remorse over historic racism, the Palestinians depict Israel as a
racist state, which treats them in the same way as African Americans
were treated.[49] For human rights organizations, Israel is a cruel occupier that violates all human rights and freedoms of the Palestinians.[50]
In world public opinion, Israel is depicted as an oppressive society
that perpetuates systematic extermination and ethnic cleansing.[51]
And to Palestinians and other Muslims, the prospect of a Palestinian
state is represented as the creation of another proud Arab or pious
Muslim state.
The question remains why the international
community accepts the Palestinians' claims regarding their fabricated
past and the corresponding negation of the Jews. Oil, ignorance,
anti-Semitism, and a politically correct unwillingness to offer any
challenge to such falsehoods, all play a role. Still, it is difficult to
recall a time in modern history when one group of people openly
expressed such visceral animosity and hatred and declared its eagerness
to eliminate a neighboring state and its people while the international
arena ignored and, in fact, enabled and legitimized it.
Conclusion
Palestinian Arabs, as opposed to
Arabic-speaking residents, have not been in the area west of the Jordan
River from the Islamic occupation, from the Ottoman Empire, or even from
British rule since 1917. No Palestinian state has ever existed, and so,
no Palestinian people has ever been robbed of its land. There is no
language or dialect known as Palestinian; there is no Palestinian
culture distinct from that of surrounding Arab ones; and there has never
been a land known as Palestine governed by Palestinians at any time in
history. For these reasons, Palestinians have been driven to fabricate a
past by denying and expropriating that of Jews and Israel.
Only after the Palestinian leadership comes
to terms with Israel's legitimacy and recognizes it as a Jewish state
can one begin discussing the emergence of a Palestinian state that lives
in peace beside the State of Israel.
David Bukay is a lecturer at the School of Political Science in the University of Haifa.
[1] All references from Palestinian Authority media are taken from Palestinian Media Watch.
[2] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 14, 2011.
[3] Al-Ayyam (Ramallah), Sept. 11, 2006.
[4] Palestinian al-Fath TV, July 25, 2004.
[5] Al-Hayat al-Jadida (Ramallah), July 3, 2010.
[6] Ibid., Dec. 3, 2010.
[7] Palestinian al-Fath TV, repeatedly from 2005-07.
[8] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Mar. 17, 2009, Dec. 11, 2011.
[9] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Feb. 20, 2011.
[10] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Oct. 21, 2010.
[11] Ibid., July 8, 2011.
[12] Ibid., Nov. 18, 2005, Dec. 19, 2011.
[13] David Wenkel, "Palestinians, Jebusites, and Evangelicals," Middle East Quarterly, Summer 2007, pp. 49-56.
[14] Qur: al-Baqarah, 2:47; ad-Dukhan, 44:32.
[15] Qur: al-Maidah, 5:21; al-A'araf, 7:137; Bani Israil, 17:104.
[16] Qur: ar-Rum, 30:6.
[17] Qur: Bani Israil, 17:104-7.
[18] Ibid., 17: 1, 7.
[19] Philip Mattar, "The Role of the Mufti of Jerusalem in the Political Struggle over the Western Wall, 1928-1929," Middle Eastern Studies, Jan. 1983, pp. 104-18; Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, Haqa'ik An Qadiyat Filastin (Cairo: n.p., 1957), pp. 115-9.
[20] See Yitzhak Reiter, Jerusalem and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 1-2.
[21] Qur: al-Imran, 3:51-2; an-Nisa, 4:171; al-Maidah, 5:111.
[22] Qur: al-Baqarah, 2:127-8, 133; al-Imran, 3:84; Yunus, 10:71-2, 84.
[23] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Apr. 21, 2006; al-Hayat al-Jadida, Mar. 9, Oct. 28, 2006.
[24] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Nov. 18, 2005; Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 12, 2009.
[25] ,com.Palvoice Mar. 17, 2010.
[26] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, June 24, Dec. 11, 2000, June 17, 2005, Oct. 28, 2006, Apr. 30, Nov. 18, 2008; Palestinian al-Fath TV, June 9, Dec. 24, 2009.
[27] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Dec. 11, 2011.
[28] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Oct. 22, 2009.
[29] Al-Ayyam, Apr. 7, 2009.
[30] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Apr. 11, June 14, 24, Sept. 2, Nov. 1, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadida, Jan. 31, June 17, 20, 2011.
[31] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 16, June 11, 25, July 5, Aug. 12, 13, 19, 2010.
[32] Ibid., July 25, 2004.
[33] Ibid., June 17, 2009.
[34] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Apr. 4, May 26, 2011; Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 23, 2011.
[35] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Dec. 7, 2010, Feb. 8, July 15, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadida, May 15, July 1, 2011.
[36] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Dec. 16, 2010, Apr. 4, May 16, July 5, Dec. 8, 2011; Palestinian al-Fath TV, Dec. 23, 2010.
[37] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Aug. 18, 2011.
[38] Ibid., May 27, 2011.
[39] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 23, 2011.
[40] Daniel Pipes, "Mirror Image: How the PLO Mimics Zionism," National Interest, Fall 1994; idem, "Mirror Image: Palestinians Continue to Mimic Zionism," DanielPipes.org, Jan. 10, 2008.
[41] See, for example, Efraim Karsh, Palestine Betrayed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), pp. 2-16; Fred M. Gottheil, "The Smoking Gun: Arab Immigration into Palestine, 1922-1931," Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2003, pp. 53-64; Arieh L. Avneri, The Claim of Dispossession, Jewish Land Settlement and the Arabs, 1878-1948 (Edison, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1982), pp. 162-80.
[42] U.N .Security Council, "Resolution 242 of November 22, 1967."
[43] See, for example, "10 Point Program," Palestine National Council, Cairo, June 8, 1974.
[44] "Political Program for the Present Stage Drawn up by the 12th PNC, Cairo, June 9, 1974," Journal of Palestine Studies, Summer 1974, pp. 224-5.
[45] James Minehan, Nations without States (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996), index.
[46] Hanan Ashrawi, Palestinian legislator, al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Dec. 27, 2011; Issa Karake, minister of prisoners' affairs, al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Nov. 24, 2011; Bassam Eid, "Can a Bi-National State Be a Solution to the Middle East Conflict," Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, Jerusalem, 2009.
[47] Fayez A. Sayegh, "Zionist Colonialism in Palestine," Research Center Palestine Liberation Organization, Beirut, Sept. 1965; Gilbert Achcar, "The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives," Open Democracy, London, Apr. 19, 2010.
[48] See, for example, Marwan Bishara, Palestine/Israel: Peace or Apartheid. Occupation, Terrorism and the Future (London: Zed Press, 2003); Ziyad Abu Ein, Palestinian Authority deputy minister of prisoners' affairs, interview, Palestinian Fatah TV, Oct. 6, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Apr. 17, July 5, Oct. 3, 2011.
[49] See, for example, Occupation, Colonialism, Apartheid? A re-assessment of Israel's practices in the occupied Palestinian territories under international law (Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa, 2009); Jamal Dajani, "Israel: Occupation or Apartheid?" The Huffington Post (New York), Feb. 5, 2010; Uri Davis, Israel: An Apartheid State (London: Zed Books, 2002), pp. 55, 61.
[50] See, for example, "Israel and Occupied Palestinian Territories: The 2011 Report," Amnesty International, New York, accessed Mar. 12, 2012; "Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories, Events of 2009," World Report 2010, Human Rights Watch, New York, accessed Mar. 12, 2012.
[51] See, for example, Ha'aretz (Tel Aviv), Oct. 31, 2009; Inter Press Service (Rome), Mar. 23, 2011; Asia News (Bangkok), Mar. 22, 2011.
[2] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 14, 2011.
[3] Al-Ayyam (Ramallah), Sept. 11, 2006.
[4] Palestinian al-Fath TV, July 25, 2004.
[5] Al-Hayat al-Jadida (Ramallah), July 3, 2010.
[6] Ibid., Dec. 3, 2010.
[7] Palestinian al-Fath TV, repeatedly from 2005-07.
[8] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Mar. 17, 2009, Dec. 11, 2011.
[9] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Feb. 20, 2011.
[10] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Oct. 21, 2010.
[11] Ibid., July 8, 2011.
[12] Ibid., Nov. 18, 2005, Dec. 19, 2011.
[13] David Wenkel, "Palestinians, Jebusites, and Evangelicals," Middle East Quarterly, Summer 2007, pp. 49-56.
[14] Qur: al-Baqarah, 2:47; ad-Dukhan, 44:32.
[15] Qur: al-Maidah, 5:21; al-A'araf, 7:137; Bani Israil, 17:104.
[16] Qur: ar-Rum, 30:6.
[17] Qur: Bani Israil, 17:104-7.
[18] Ibid., 17: 1, 7.
[19] Philip Mattar, "The Role of the Mufti of Jerusalem in the Political Struggle over the Western Wall, 1928-1929," Middle Eastern Studies, Jan. 1983, pp. 104-18; Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, Haqa'ik An Qadiyat Filastin (Cairo: n.p., 1957), pp. 115-9.
[20] See Yitzhak Reiter, Jerusalem and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 1-2.
[21] Qur: al-Imran, 3:51-2; an-Nisa, 4:171; al-Maidah, 5:111.
[22] Qur: al-Baqarah, 2:127-8, 133; al-Imran, 3:84; Yunus, 10:71-2, 84.
[23] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Apr. 21, 2006; al-Hayat al-Jadida, Mar. 9, Oct. 28, 2006.
[24] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Nov. 18, 2005; Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 12, 2009.
[25] ,com.Palvoice Mar. 17, 2010.
[26] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, June 24, Dec. 11, 2000, June 17, 2005, Oct. 28, 2006, Apr. 30, Nov. 18, 2008; Palestinian al-Fath TV, June 9, Dec. 24, 2009.
[27] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Dec. 11, 2011.
[28] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Oct. 22, 2009.
[29] Al-Ayyam, Apr. 7, 2009.
[30] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Apr. 11, June 14, 24, Sept. 2, Nov. 1, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadida, Jan. 31, June 17, 20, 2011.
[31] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 16, June 11, 25, July 5, Aug. 12, 13, 19, 2010.
[32] Ibid., July 25, 2004.
[33] Ibid., June 17, 2009.
[34] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Apr. 4, May 26, 2011; Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 23, 2011.
[35] Palestinian al-Fath TV, Dec. 7, 2010, Feb. 8, July 15, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadida, May 15, July 1, 2011.
[36] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Dec. 16, 2010, Apr. 4, May 16, July 5, Dec. 8, 2011; Palestinian al-Fath TV, Dec. 23, 2010.
[37] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, Aug. 18, 2011.
[38] Ibid., May 27, 2011.
[39] Palestinian al-Fath TV, May 23, 2011.
[40] Daniel Pipes, "Mirror Image: How the PLO Mimics Zionism," National Interest, Fall 1994; idem, "Mirror Image: Palestinians Continue to Mimic Zionism," DanielPipes.org, Jan. 10, 2008.
[41] See, for example, Efraim Karsh, Palestine Betrayed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), pp. 2-16; Fred M. Gottheil, "The Smoking Gun: Arab Immigration into Palestine, 1922-1931," Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2003, pp. 53-64; Arieh L. Avneri, The Claim of Dispossession, Jewish Land Settlement and the Arabs, 1878-1948 (Edison, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1982), pp. 162-80.
[42] U.N .Security Council, "Resolution 242 of November 22, 1967."
[43] See, for example, "10 Point Program," Palestine National Council, Cairo, June 8, 1974.
[44] "Political Program for the Present Stage Drawn up by the 12th PNC, Cairo, June 9, 1974," Journal of Palestine Studies, Summer 1974, pp. 224-5.
[45] James Minehan, Nations without States (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996), index.
[46] Hanan Ashrawi, Palestinian legislator, al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Dec. 27, 2011; Issa Karake, minister of prisoners' affairs, al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Nov. 24, 2011; Bassam Eid, "Can a Bi-National State Be a Solution to the Middle East Conflict," Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, Jerusalem, 2009.
[47] Fayez A. Sayegh, "Zionist Colonialism in Palestine," Research Center Palestine Liberation Organization, Beirut, Sept. 1965; Gilbert Achcar, "The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives," Open Democracy, London, Apr. 19, 2010.
[48] See, for example, Marwan Bishara, Palestine/Israel: Peace or Apartheid. Occupation, Terrorism and the Future (London: Zed Press, 2003); Ziyad Abu Ein, Palestinian Authority deputy minister of prisoners' affairs, interview, Palestinian Fatah TV, Oct. 6, 2011; al-Hayat al-Jadidah, Apr. 17, July 5, Oct. 3, 2011.
[49] See, for example, Occupation, Colonialism, Apartheid? A re-assessment of Israel's practices in the occupied Palestinian territories under international law (Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa, 2009); Jamal Dajani, "Israel: Occupation or Apartheid?" The Huffington Post (New York), Feb. 5, 2010; Uri Davis, Israel: An Apartheid State (London: Zed Books, 2002), pp. 55, 61.
[50] See, for example, "Israel and Occupied Palestinian Territories: The 2011 Report," Amnesty International, New York, accessed Mar. 12, 2012; "Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories, Events of 2009," World Report 2010, Human Rights Watch, New York, accessed Mar. 12, 2012.
[51] See, for example, Ha'aretz (Tel Aviv), Oct. 31, 2009; Inter Press Service (Rome), Mar. 23, 2011; Asia News (Bangkok), Mar. 22, 2011.
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