The Jewish state, as the 'little Satan,' is a stand-in for the 'big Satan' and Western values.
By RUTH R. WISSE
The
confirmation process for those slated to guide American foreign policy can
profitably be used to clear up at least one point of confusion. What's at
issue is not the degree of their affection for Jews or for Israel—despite
the consternation caused by the nomination for defense secretary of Chuck
Hagel, who said in 2006: "The Jewish lobby intimidates a lot of people up
here, but I'm a United States senator. I'm not an Israeli senator."
The
Nebraskan's imputation of excessive Jewish influence in Washington is less
worrisome than his failure to recognize why the "lobby" exists. Never mind
the Jews: Opposition to Israel camouflages a much more virulent hostility to
America. How does an American statesman assess
the anti-Jews who attack Israel as a proxy
for this country?
Let's
start with basics: The cause of the long-running Arab war against the Jewish
homeland is not Israel, it is Arab leaders' need for war against a "foreign
intruder." Seven Middle East countries rallied their citizens by forming the
Arab League in 1945 to prevent the creation of Israel. Failing in that
effort, the Arab League eventually expanded to 21 members, which organized
their domestic and foreign politics against the Jewish state. When Anwar
Sadat signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979, Egypt was suspended from
the league, expelled from the Islamic Conference and ousted from other
regional and financial institutions. Re-admission for Egypt came only after
the assassination of Sadat and his successor's abrogation of almost every
term of the treaty.
Opposition
to Israel is the only glue of pan-Arabism and the strongest common bond of
otherwise warring Muslim constituencies. Even those inclined to end the war
are afraid of the consequences (including assassination) of giving up
hostilities.
Like
the anti-Semitism from which it derives, anti-Zionism is less about the Jews
than about the larger aims of those aggressing against the Jews. When the
League of Anti-Semites formed in Germany in the 1870s, its primary goal was
to prevent the spread of liberal democracy. Rather than denounce a freer,
more open society, the league called democracy the ruse that allowed Jews to
conquer Germany from within.
In
the same way, anti-Zionism today unites conservatives and radicals in the
Middle East against all that Israel represents—religious pluralism,
individual rights and freedoms, liberal democracy, and Western ideas of
progress. Jews and Israel are merely a convenient face or emblem for the
huger bastions of those same ideals. Israel, "little Satan," is a handier
target than the "big Satan."
The
Arab war against Israel has cost thousands of Jewish lives, but its damage
to Palestinians is arguably greater, destroying the moral fabric of a
society that was once relatively prosperous and culturally advanced.
Anti-Jewish politics works by misdirection, drawing attention away from real
concerns toward the alleged Jewish violator. Thus, Arab leaders who tried to
deny Jews their country accused Jews of denying Arabs their country. To make
the charge stick, the leaders have kept Palestinian Arabs in perpetual
refugee status while millions of other refugees around the world—including
800,000 Jews from Arab lands—were resettled and started their lives
anew.
Many
societies have identified Jews as the threatening alien, but Palestinian
Arabs are the first people ever to shape their national identity exclusively
around opposition to the Jews. The special ingredient that sets Palestinian
nationalism apart from that of surrounding Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan—and
reputedly makes it the strongest form of Arab nationalism—is the usurpation
of Jewish symbols and history. The most important date in the Palestinian
calendar is not any Arab or Muslim holiday or event, but the day of Israel's
founding, commemorated as Nakba, the catastrophe that ostensibly spurred the
creation of Arab Palestine. Commemorated as "Palestine's endless Holocaust,"
Nakba simultaneously libels the Jewish homeland and demeans the Shoah by
appropriating the Nazi genocide of Europe's Jews.
A
new logo for the Palestinian political party Fatah claims the entire map of
Israel. Fatah's rival, Hamas, is led by Khalid Mashaal, who recently called
for the liberation of "Gaza today and tomorrow Ramallah and after that
Jerusalem then Haifa and Jaffa." Clearly, both factions remain more intent
on destroying their neighbor than on bettering Palestinian lives.
A
perfumer in Gaza has named his new fragrance "M-75" after the "pleasant and
attractive" missiles used by Hamas to attack Israel. A Facebook page for Fatah shows a
mother strapping her child into a suicide belt; when he asks his mother why
him and not her, the mother says that she must bear more children to
sacrifice for Palestine. Civil war in Syria, turmoil in Egypt, crisis in
Iran and an Islamist threat to Jordan—all follow from the same ruinous
politics of grievance and blame.
Chuck
Hagel does not have to like Jews, but if he expects to defend the United
States, he needs to understand the nature and scope of the war against
Israel, including its corrupting effect on Arab societies. The alignment
between Israel and America is dictated by those who burn the flags of both
countries on the same pyre. By contrast, those who lobby for Israel's
protection axiomatically have America's back.
Ms.
Wisse, a professor of Yiddish and comparative literature at Harvard, is the
author of "Jews and Power" (Schocken, 2007).
A version of this article appeared January 17, 2013, on
page A17 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline:
What the 'Lobby' Knows About Animus for Israel.
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