Sultan Knish
The real lesson of Wisconsin is that the Republican Party is at its
strongest and greatest when it acts as a revolutionary liberation
movement, breaking apart the power relationships of the Democratic Party
that stifle people's personal, economic and religious lives.
The Democratic Party has made it its mandate to politicize and
collectivize the personal. It has done this to militarize every area of
life, to transform all human activities into a battlefield and to bring
every area of life under the aegis of its power relationships. These
power relationships form its infrastructure, fusing together
governmental and non-governmental organizations, to form the true ruling
class.
These power relationships act as dams, walling up human energy into
organizational structures, they create the mandates that provide power
and money to the organizations, which are fed throughout the
infrastructure to create a massive cage of bureaucrats, activists and
think-tanks that set the agenda, which becomes law, and is then enforced
by governments at every level.
The base activity of the left is organizational. Organizing a group dams
it up. The organizers harvest its energy and use it to power their
infrastructure. The purpose of a group is to draw money and power into
the organization from outside and inside. Money and power are drawn from
the inside through dues and member obedience. Money and power are drawn
from the outside through leverage exercised by making demands on behalf
of the group.
The left operates by wrapping its power relationships in principles. It
seeks out groups that give it not only political leverage, but also
moral leverage. Groups that it can claim to organize and protect at the
same time.
The Teachers unions are a classic example. Organizing teachers gives it a
core pressure point. A society will do everything to protect its
children. The teachers unions insist that their demands represent the
welfare of the children. That they are not representatives of mere
employees, but of education itself. Once a union has organized an entire
group that is seen as performing a vital service, it can claim to
embody a moral imperative.
Similar moral imperatives are used to embody the power relationships of
the Democratic Party. There is never anything selfish about the Party.
It's always stealing and spending, squandering and kicking back money
for some protected group, whether it's children or minorities, or any
entry on a long list of them. It is constantly protecting them by
building up its own infrastructure and the power relationships that form
that infrastructure.
Unionization has moved away from the classic labor unions and toward
public sector unions, which control public services. The best unions are
those that appear to have a moral imperative, like teachers or nurses,
and that can elect the politicians that it bargains for a new contract
with. This forms a simple but perfect power relationship. Unions help
elect a mayor or governor. The mayor or governor agrees to a generous
union contract. The unions reward him by supporting him in the next
election.
Breaking up power relationships like these, liberates the people on the
outside and inside, and it deals a severe blow to the left, by
destroying its infrastructure. The left may appear more powerful than
the right, but it is also more vulnerable, because it relies on an
artificial infrastructure that is vulnerable. Where the infrastructure
of the right is organic and not dependent on government funding or a
corrupt system of dirty deals, the infrastructure of the left is almost
entirely dependent on it.
The left has its sugar daddy billionaires, but its infrastructure is
much too big and its ambitions much too extensive for them to be good
for anything besides start-up money. The left is not satisfied with
Media Matters or the Center for American Progress; these are training
and defense centers for some of its activism, but the bulk of its
infrastructure has to be funded through power relationships that
intersect with the government. That is where its weakness lies, because
government money can be taken away. Rent-seeking habitats can be broken
up.
What the left fears more than anything else is being "defunded". What it
fears is that its massive ranks of organizations will become completely
impotent, with little funding, and no power over people.
Take a look at your tax bill. Take a look at your property taxes,
especially. Much of the money you pay goes to fund the infrastructure of
the left, its government bureaucracies and its non-governmental
organizations, which still rake in fortunes in government grants. That
infrastructure is wrapped up in a thousand divisions and causes, many of
which sound benign, from health to civil rights, from education to
diplomacy, from the environment to better government, all of which sound
nice at a distance, but exist to embed and perpetuate the power
relationships of the left.
The right does not need this kind of infrastructure. A system that is
not out to control everyone's behavior all the time, that is not looking
to turn every tenth person into another warm body in its endless war
against individual freedom, does not need this kind of manpower or
indoctrination. Grandiosity, the sheer size of the left, makes it
vulnerable. That size is built on a maze of groups, agendas, laws and
guidelines in the name of a thousand causes, which intersect with one
another to form the beast that we are up against.
The beast is big, but it's vulnerable. It needs power and money to live.
It gains that power by serving as an intermediary between people and
the government, even when it is the government. The more intermediaries
it adds on, to demand one thing or another, to organize the people,
while demanding that the government listen to the people it has
organized, while paradoxically taking grant money from the government to
organize the people to demand that the government listen to them-- the
more power and money it gains.
The first and most popular attack on the beast is to take away its
compulsory powers. It's popular because Americans don't like being
compelled to do things. Decades of brainwashing have gotten people to
repeat some, "It's for our own good" talking points. But it's still
unpopular, and most people are not so far gone, that they won't cheer
when given a way to opt out.
Making an argument against freedom is hard. That's why the left usually
pretends that there isn't even an argument or an issue. That the
question isn't even on the table, that it has never been on the table
and that only a lunatic would put it on the table. Its first resort is
to refuse to discuss the subject, its last resort is to drag out the
children, the minorities or some other protected group, and accuse its
enemies of being the reincarnation of the Third Reich. It did that in
Wisconsin... and it lost.
The left knows that it is vulnerable here. That is why it uses guilt and
shame, social intimidation, and whatever legal measures it can to make
people fall into line. It disguises its agenda, it pretends to be more
reasonable than it is, it plays a double game-- and it does everything
possible to stave off this kind of popular uprising. Because it has no
defense against populism. It is an elitist ruling class pretending to be
populist. Its idea of populism is to encourage half the population to
attack the other half, while telling the first half that they represent
the 99 percent and the other half represents the 1 percent.
The United States does not yet have the system in place to allow for a
complete suspension of popular rule, the way that Europe does. Federal
judges have become more obnoxious in exercising completely illegal
authority to supersede the results of democratic elections. They have
dictated what those results should be and reshaped the conditions on the
ground to control the outcome. But they don't have complete power yet.
Wisconsin is a reminder of what they are so afraid of. The rule of the
people is a frightening thing to those who have made it their mission to
rule over the people.
The left's greatest fear is the emergence of a new power relationship
between populist politicians and a people looking for more freedom and
less control. It is the thing that terrifies them and keeps them up
nights. They know that such a power relationship has the potential to
sweep away everything that they have done, all the intermediaries they
have built up between the people and the government, all the insulation
that keeps the people away from the centers of power and keeps the
centers of power away from the people.
People are not interested in abstract debates, they are interested in
concrete benefits. The left has made it its mission to give them
concrete benefits, while hiding the true cost of those benefits, and the
restrictions that come with them. Only when people have grown used to
the benefits, do they begin to experience the true cost and the power of
the cage that has been built around them with their consent.
Every benefit comes with two degradations. Every protection comes with
two restrictions. Every new system is inherently unstable and can only
be maintained through the selective oppression of divide- and-conquer
politics, cynically applied by the ruling class for the protection of
those they oppress. Most people instinctively experience this, without
always understanding it; it is why they distrust the government and wish
there were fewer laws, fewer enforcers and more breathing room.
If there is to be a true Republican revolution, then it will have to be
based around giving it to them, it will have to be based on smashing the
power relationships, the governmental and non-governmental
infrastructures of the left, the vast machine of many parts that grinds
everyone up into its collectivist maw, and giving back their birthright
of freedom to the people.
Breaking down the infrastructure of the left, while liberating people
from its chains, will have the twin advantages of being popular and of
badly damaging the enemy. The more resources the left has to devote to
defending its infrastructure, the less it has to spare for expanding it.
Wars work best when the enemy is always kept on the defensive, when
it's forced to fight pitched battles for the NEA and NPR, and when it's
forced to try to get workers to join a union, when they no longer have
to join or pay its dues.
When the left is shrinking, then it is less likely to attract new
recruits. Careerism is a big part of its appeal. When a movement no
longer looks like it can offer as many spots to activists and
researchers, then suddenly it doesn't look as appealing anymore. That is
a simple human reality, and it can be used against the left.
In its natural state, the left is elitist, the power relationships that
it builds up into an infrastructure allow it to transcend the
limitations of its elitism by imposing its will through a combination of
deceit, manipulation and intimidation. Break the power relationships,
the compulsions, and the left recedes back to a few people writing angry
poetry or economic theories in basements while asking their parents for
more money, or holding court with impressionable radicals.
That is where the left began, before it became the beast devouring
everything in its organizational maw. That is where it can be put back
again.
And here is the rest of it.
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