Jonathan Spyer
Kurds Consolidate borders of enclave with victories over al-Qaida in northern Syria
The situation in Syria may appear after two and a half years to have
turned into a static and bewildering slaughter. Neither victory nor
defeat seem imminent for any of the sides.
But this picture is not entirely accurate. On one front, at least,
there is movement in a clear direction. The Kurds of north eastern
Syria are consolidating their autonomous enclave bordering Iraq. The
Kurds call this area ‘Rojava’, or western Kurdistan. They have in the
last two weeks inflicted a series of telling defeats on Al-Qaeda
linked rebels on its borders .
The absence of clarity in the direction of the war in Syria derives
partly from the fact that there is no longer a single conflict in the
country. Rather, the Syrian civil war has in the last year turned from a
straight fight between a regime and a rebellion against it into three
inter-locking wars involving a variety of participating elements.
The regime and its allies are still engaged against a mainly Sunni
rebellion. An internecine civil war has also broken out in the
rebellion itself, pitting the al-Qaeda linked Islamic State in Iraq and
Syria (ISIS) and its hardcore Islamist allies against more locally
focused rebel groups.
The third contest is taking place between ISIS and its allies and the
Kurdish fighters of the YPG (Peoples’ Protection Units) in the north
and east of the country.
The first two wars remain at bloody stalemate. The Kurds, whose goal is survival rather than conquest, are winning the third.
The current Kurdish ‘surge’ began on October 26th with the capture
by the YPG of the Yarubiya border crossing in Hasakeh province, between
Syria and Iraq. The crossing, known by the Kurds as Tal Kojar, had been
held by ISIS since March. The YPG captured it after three days of
fighting.
The rebel Syrian National Coalition issued a strange claim following
the battle that Iraqi regular fighters had participated alongside the
Kurds. In truth, however, the superior organization of the YPG when
compared to their Islamist rivals appears to have been the telling
factor.
The taking of al-Yarubiya gives the Syrian Kurds full control of an
entry and exit point into Iraq for the first time. But its significance
goes beyond this.
Hasakeh Province, with a 70% Kurdish majority, is home to the greater
part of Syria’s oil reserves. Syria has, according to a 2009 study, 69
billion barrels’ worth of proven oil reserves and probably about 315
billion barrels’ worth of not yet discovered reserves. The great
majority of this is in the north east of the country. In March this
year, the YPG took over three oil producing towns, most importantly the
town of Rumeilan.
Control of Yarubiya gives the Kurds the ability to engage in the
export of oil. This fact is not lost both on the jihadis of ISIS, who
hope to run their own private oil export operations, and on the Syrian
National Coalition, who reminded the Kurds in their statement that the
oil belongs to ‘all Syrians.’
Following the Yarubiyeh victory, the Kurds pushed on, capturing 20
villages from ISIS and its allies over the last week. ISIS was joined
by additional forces in these battles, including Islamist but non
al-Qaeda linked groups.
The YPG’s drive forward concluded in the last days with the complete
capture of the strategically importanr and long-contested Ras al-Ain
(Sere Kaniyeh) area, on the border with Turkey. The expulsion of ISI
from the al-Manageer area of the town left the YPG in full control of
Ras al-Ain and the road to neighboring Tal Tamer.
These gains mean that the Kurds have now consolidated a clear western
‘borderline’ for their area of control in north east Syria. Their
intention, according to Kurdish sources, is now to push further west,
towards Tel Abyad.
There the outcome is much less certain, however. Outside of Hasakeh
Province, in the areas of sparser outlying Kurdish population in Raqqa
and Aleppo provinces, the YPG has enjoyed less success. Many Kurds
from these areas have fled to a Kurdish-held enclave in Afrin, further
west and not linked to the main area of Kurdish control.
The YPG victories ultimately derive from the greater discipline and
organization of this group, in comparison with its jihadi rivals. This
reporter has spent time both with the YPG and with the Syrian Arab
rebels. The YPG, who were trained by the PKK, exhibit a far superior
tactical knowledge and awareness of basic soldiering. Ammunition is
carefully conserved. Units move in a coordinated and controlled way.
The rebels, by contrast, are certainly brave, but are often poorly trained and undisciplined.
What the recent fighting means is that the PYD and the YPG are now in firm control of around 10% of the territory of Syria.
‘Rojava’ forms part of a contiguous area of Kurdish control which
stretches from Ras al Ain at its western point, through northern Iraq
and all the way to the Iranian border. Sharp political divisions
remain, however, between the PKK-oriented forces controlling the Syrian
enclave, and the Kurdish Regional Government of Massoud Barzani in
Northern Iraq.
Hopes of unity remain elusive. A planned and much discussed Kurdish
‘national congress’ bringing together all forces in the Iraqi Kurdish
capital of Erbil later this month may now not take place. The rivalry
between the two key pan-Kurdish forces of the PKK and its associated
groups and Barzani’s Kurdish Democratic Party appears to be for the
moment insurmountable.
Still, the YPG’s performance in the fighting over the last two weeks
confirms that as the de facto partition of Syria takes shape, ‘Rojava’
is becoming an indelible part of the political landscape.
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