Sultan Knish
Revolutions are rarely undone from the outside. Mostly they come apart
from the inside as the forty thieves descend into petty squabbling over
the loot.
The
loot comes in different forms, but at its core it is always power. It
may be the power to kill or to steal. It may be the power to claim a
nice piece of real estate or to send a million people off to their
deaths. The scale of it will occupy historians and shock the people of
the future who leaf through the history books and walk through the
silent museums, but it is all of one piece. The purpose of power, as a
fellow in a little book by George Orwell once said, is power.
The quarrel between Obama and the Media is largely a lovers' quarrel,
but the love is only there on one side. The media made Obama what he is.
But what he is, among many other things, is a control freak spawned by a
political ideology that distrusts everyone and consolidates power at
all cost.
The media loved Obama, but it discovered early on that he did not love
it back. Instead of basking in the adoration of the Candy Crowleys and
the Anderson Coopers and the massive corporate machines behind them, the
love child of every liberal fantasy shut them out, rigidly controlled
their access and ruthlessly punished unauthorized conversations with the
press.
The media had made Obama into a tin god, but were constantly suspected
of heresy. Instead of being rewarded for their loyalty, they were kept
at arm's length.
Obama Inc. knew that their biggest asset was the narrative. A close
study of Obama's qualifications or accomplishments would have given no
conceivable reason for voting for him. The only thing he brought to the
table was race and even in this he was less qualified than most of the
black men who had run for president.
The narrative was the dearest treasure of Obama Inc. It was the one
thing that its cronies protected. The economy could tank, wars could be
lost and an asteroid could smack into the Pacific Ocean and none of it
mattered nearly as much as the golden narrative. They didn't trust
anyone with it including the media.
The media these days doesn't have much. Its numbers are bad in every
medium from the tube to the inky pages of newsprint to the crackling AM
radio waves. It isn't very profitable. Often it's a dead weight. But it
wields a great deal of institutional power. The New York Times and CNN
may both be dogs when it comes to the balance sheets, but owning either
one gives you an impressive amount of heft in the national dialogue;
though not as much as working for one of them does.
Power is all that the media has. Its power is projected in a fairly
narrow circle. Fewer people are reading, watching and listening to it,
so its circle becomes more incestuous. Everyone has learned to act like a
member of the D.C. press corps, interpreting events through the lens of
old West Wing episodes. The resulting noise reaches fewer people, but
helps form the shaky consensus on which the institutional power of the
media stands.
In its dying hour, the media used that power to ensure the double
coronation of a corrupt Chicago politician with a facility for mimicking
speech patterns. And that politician rewarded it by trying to bypass it
and set up his own media.
Obama's vision of the proper place of the media isn't just at his feet,
but under his control. Instead of dealing with the media, he has tried
to cut it out of the loop by putting a larger emphasis on social media
and developing narratives through think-tanks and media influencing
groups. It was a power struggle that the media was initially baffled by.
It had held out an ice cream cone to the little boy, only to have the
little boy kick it in the shin, grab the ice cream cone and run away.
For years the media had groused about a lack of transparency, the
unprecedented prosecution of whistleblowers and the hostile relationship
between Obama Inc's minions and many reporters. The grousing was
usually understated. It could be mentioned offhand, but not too loudly.
When Bob Woodward made the mistake of speaking his mind, he was swiftly
punished for it by the avatars of the post-media media, while the old
media sat silently and watched the show.
But then Obama pushed its limits by invading the sanctum of the
Associated Press. It was one thing when the administration was targeting
whistleblowers, but quite another when the media's power became part of
the collateral damage.
The week of scandals was the media reminding Obama that his smooth ride
had been provided by them and that the ride could get very bumpy if his
media ponies decide to take the back road to Benghazigate or drop by the
IRS headquarters. It's a bluff, of course. The day may come when the
media takes Obama out back and disposes of him so that the new messiah,
perhaps in a pantsuit, can ascend the old Camelot throne, but that day
isn't here yet.
Scandal week was a game of chicken between Obama and the media to see
who would blink first. Would Obama decide to respect the institutional
power of the media or would be consider pushing forward until the media
blinked. A brief history of Obama Inc. suggests that he will keep
pushing on. Obama backs down from Muslim terrorists and Russian
government thugs, but not from Americans.
Like most cowards, Obama only attacks those he knows won't fight back.
And the only people who won't fight back are either helpless or bound by
their politics not to resist the liberal messiah.
Obama knows that the media does not dare harm a hair on the head of the
liberal agenda. And he made certain to appoint a Vice President whom no
one in their right mind would want to see take over. Until 2016, it's
Hussein or the highway. The media has shown that it can hamstring him
even when the coverage is only mild. It is quite capable of turning up
the temperature to boiling, though not without a civil war with Media
Matters, Think Progress and a chunk of the liberal new media.
The media is a prisoner of its own ideology. It can't hit Obama too
hard... yet. Not until they're making the case that Hillary will do a
better job of governing than this inexperienced tyro did. Having
abandoned any professional integrity years ago, it would be too late for
most of the media to reclaim it now. Even in the name of its own
institutional power.
This is the process by which leftists have collaborated in their own
purges. It is why wealthy leftists financed revolutions that would rob
them. The media's wealth is in its institutional power and it is being
forced to accede to the redistribution of that influence.
Obama is not interested in an independent media, even if it is biased
his own way. Leftists are great centralizers. They seize power by
consolidating it under their control. The Democratic Party is struggling
as Obama's OFA Super PAC loots their fundraising operations. Why does
Obama need a Super PAC? Because it gives him another source of personal
power while diminishing the power of established institutions. And the
news media is just one more established institution for the children of
the counterculture to beat to death with its own microphones.
The media is trying to make a statement about boundaries, but it lacks
commitment. Even as it halfheartedly, though for the first time, covers
actual misconduct by Obama Inc. with that smidgen of outrage which
usually only creeps into its own when reporting on the dreaded (R's), it
undermines its own show of force by discussing how quickly Obama will
be able to get over the hump and back to his agenda. The media's
blackmail of the man listening to its phone calls and scanning through
its emails lacks conviction.
Obama needs the media, but the media needs him more. It doesn't need him
for practical reasons, but for emotional reasons. It needs to believe
that its corrupt institutional power has been put at the service of a
higher purpose and a higher calling. It needs to believe this all the
more as the ratings drop, the papers go unsold and the radio stations
fill up with the voices of conservative talk show hosts. That emotional
need makes the media the prisoner of this administration.
On
his end, Obama has a practical need for the media, but no emotional
need. Interviews, even of the softball media kind, challenge his
control. They question him and Obama does not like being questioned.
While media figures see themselves as serving a meaningful liberalizing
institution, he sees them as carriers of a narrative. A narrative that
can just as easily be carried anywhere else.
When Obama looks at the media, he doesn't see Walter Cronkite, he sees a
bunch of radios, televisions and newspapers; which these days are
little more than footnotes for the internet. There is nothing special
about that to him or his cronies. Just mediums that distort his message
because he doesn't control them. And so Obama chooses to control every
medium he uses.
The Obama media war is good clean fun, but it's also a brief skirmish.
Neither side can afford to extend the battle for very long. For the
media the scandals will vanish as soon as they hear magic words like
"Gun Control" or "Illegal Alien Amnesty". And for Obama, the war will
end when one side or the other blinks.
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